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Vol. XXXVIII - Part IV V " 1986 _ 



Editor in Chief 

Late Dr. R. Subrahmanyam, M.A., Ph.D., F.H.A.S. (London) 

Professor & Head o/ the Dept. of Ancient History & Archaeology 

Nagorjuna Uniuersify, Guntur. 

Genera/ Editor 
Dr. V. V. Krishna Sastry, M.A., Ph.D. 

Director of Archaeology & Museums, 
Government o/ Andhra Pradesh Hyderabad. 

Published by : 



Vol. XXXVIII - Part IV V 1986 _ 



Editorin Chief 

Late Dr. R. Subrahmanyam, MA., Ph.D., F.H.A.S. (London) 

Professor & Head of the Dept. of Ancient History & Archaeology 

Nagarjuna Uniuersify, Guntur. 

General Editor 

Dr. V. V. Krishna Sastry, M.A., Ph.D. 

Director of Archaeology & Museums, 
Government o/ Andhra Pradesh Hyderabad. 

Published by : 




Mo. of Copies : 500 

Depi. of Arehatology & Museum, Hyderabad, A.P, 

Price : Rs. 


I am doubly happy that we are bringing out the fourth part which is the last one of Dr, 
Venkataramanayya Commemoration Volume, and that we could publish, though belatedly, alf the 
.articles sent by various scholars as a token of their regard to the great historian. 

This part includes an article by late Prof. Rayaprolu Subrahmanyam entitled "Secular 
Remains at IMagarjunakonda". Previously, Sri Subrahmanyam published a comprehensive article 
entitled "The Brahmanical structures in Nagarjunakonda" in Volume VIII. No. (1) of Itihas' 
published by the State Archives Department. In his present article, Sri Subrahmanyam deals with 
the Ikshvaku citadel, once situated adjacent to the river Krishna at Nagarjunakonda and now 
soaking under 300 feet deep waters of Nagarjunasagar. The description of the mud fort is 
comprehensive and it will be useful for future researchers working on forts. He also described 
the residental pattern of the Ikshvaku capital Vijayapuri, and public buildings, the flight of steps 
leading to the river Krishna, and the arena etc. Fortunately/most of the structures that would have 
gone under waters, were salvaged and reconstructed, some over the SSIagarjuna hill and some at 
Anupula near the reconstructed Ranganadha temple. While reading the article, I still remember 
my days at Nagarjunakonda when the feverish activity of transplantation was going on when in 
-an unfortunate accident, a truck turned turtle and seriously injured a large number of daily wage 

This volume also contains an article on the Pillars in Vijayanagara art by C. Puranchand 
which is very informative. Dr. B.S.L Hanumantha Rao's article on Boyas in the Medieval Andhra 
History culled through various inscriptions, deals with the origin of Boyas, their religious faith, 
Boyakottams, and their social status etc. Dr. Hanumanth Rao is a well known author of several 
books and research articles. Particular mention may be made of his magnum opus "The Religion 
in Andhra Desa" which I feel is one of the authoritative^books. Though externally soft spoken and 
amiable, Dr. Hanumantha Rao holds very strong views on academic and research matters, which 
.are always convincing. 

In the end, I owe my gratitude to Sri Muddu Krishnama Naidu garu, Hon'ble Minister for 
Education and Archaeology, Sri S. Kasipandian, i.A.S., Secretary to Government, Education 
Department for their co-operation iin bringing out research publications of this Department. My 
thanks are also due to Miss G. Lalitha, Asst. Director who helped me in bringing this out and to 
the printers Print'N Pack Aids, Hyderabad in bringing out this valuable publication in a record time. 

The opinions expressed by the authors of the articles are their own. 

V. V. Krishna Sastry, 



1. Secular Remains at Nagarjunakonda ... 1 

/?. Subrahmanvam. 


2- The Pillars in Vijayatttaftftf Art 43 

. C Pootnachand 


3. Patterns of Settlement and Equipment of the Mesolithic ... 63 
Hunter Gatherers of Northern Coastal Andhra 

D.B. Murthf 

4. The Boyas in Medieval Andhra History ... 77 

B.S.L. Hanumanth Rao 

" f , 

5. The Cult of Vithoba in Vijayanagara ... 93 
'K-Sarojan/'Devf \ 

... 101 

7. s*d |jSosS 

... 109 


R. Subrahmanyam 

Secular remains excavated at Nagarjunakonda consists of a citadel with royal palace and 
other buildings, residences of commoners, workshops, rest houses, public and private baths, and 
places of public gathering etc. The royal palace is little more than a glorified edition of one of the 
private houses, the only difference between them being larger size rooms with better sanitation 
facilities. Though nothing has survived, all these houses of the rich must have had decora- 
tion in plaster work and carvings in wood and it is quite possible that the latter might have 
perished due to age and climatic conditions. However, sculptures discovered at the site help us 
in reconstructing a picture of the people that lived in this city, the types of furniture used, doors 
and windows, stools and pedestals, carts, besides vessels in mud and metal of everyday use. 
Luckily, antiquities discovered also help us in gleaning into the social life of the people. Many 
household vessels and utensils, as might be expected in a town site like this, have been salvaged ; 
bulk of these vessels, it is needless to say, are earthen-ware conical shapped oil or wine containers, 
cooking pots, storage jars, drinking cups with stand, goblets and sprinklers to mention a few, form 
the bulk of antiquities found in the residential buildings, Articles of toilet trays are also not 
wanting. Besides the above, articles of daily use, particularly those made of stone like querns, 
grinding and crushing stones, pestle, mortar with or without ornamentation were also found in 
these residential buildings. Metal objects like tongs, hammers of different sizes, chisels, perhaps 
belonging to a goldsmith and blacksmith, and tools of agriculturists, like sickle and crowbar also 
form part of these collections. 

Though the structural remains, as revealed by the excavation, are fragmentary, they give us 
a fairly complete picture of the City of Vijayapuri as it stood in the early century of the Christian 
era and in the following pages an attempt is made to describe in detail all the different structures 
under various heads like citadel, residential buildings workshops, roads and rest houses, public 


baths, sources of water and sanitation. 


The excavations at Nagarjunakonda have revealed to view structural remains of a citadel 
used by the Ikshvakus in the early centuries of the Christian era. Like all contemporary ruling 
families, the Ikshvakus also had resorted to construction of forts, to defend themselves against 
possible attacks. The explorations conducted in the valley have shown that the Ikshvakus had 


built a mud fort in the western half of the valley on the banks of the river, which can be called a 
sthafadurga and also fortified the hill which is in the centre of the valley (modern Durgamkonda), 
perhaps to serve as a giridurga, to take refuge in times of siege and offer resistance. 

The Sfhaladorga : This is located on the right bank of the river Krishna in its immediate 
proximity, it is flanked by two lowlying hillocks, locally called Peddakundellagutta (about 565 

feet above the sea level). On the west, the river Krishna served as a natural defence and only a 
brick built wall with a main passage was also added on that side to complete the shape of this 

mud fort, On the east, a massive mud rampart wall was built connecting these two hills and the 
area thus enclosed is about three furlongs east-west by four furlongs north-west. 

This Sthaladufga is quadrilateral in shape and roughly comforms to the karmuka or bow- 
shaped citadel described by Kautiiya. The rampart walls connecting the two hills with] its rough 
semi-circular shape formed the bow, while the river on the west served as the string for this bow- 
Shaped fort The structures which are located inside the citadel include military quarters, ritualistic 
sites of Asvamadha, kings' palaces in a very badly damaged condition, only thick brick walls being 
extant, rubble structures, perhaps used by the Durgadhyaksha or Commander of the fort, stone- 
paved halls, baths, stables etc, 

-Rampart Walls: The citadel has huge rampart walls, traces of which are seen even to 
this day. On the southern side, it overlies the summit of Peddakundellagutta. Its maximum extant 
height is 16 feet above the outside present ground level. Trenches laid across the wall on the 
eastern side showed that it has been built in two phases. The first or the earlier phase was 
represented by a rampart of morum or mud, about 80 feet wide at the base. The second phase 
represented by a burnt-brick wall, 9 to 14 feet thick, generally built either directly over the 
existing rampart or over secondary filling over it, but on naturally higher grounds and directly on 
the bare rock-surface. On the southern side, however, on Peddakundellagutta the latter phase of 
construction, the burnt-brick wall alone is found without the earlier morum rampart wall. It 
appears that the first phase of construction was absent on the hill and exigencies of situation 
should have necessitated- the construction of the rampart wall over the hill later on. The pre- 
rampart phase is represented by the presence of the ovens, besides other cultural debris. 

Date : The ceramic evidence from the pre and post rampart layers was more or less 
uniform, the pottery of both the groups pertaining to the Ikshvaku period as a whole. Black-and- 
red ware and red-slipped ware have been found, the latter being dominant The most prominent 
type of the latter ware are the typical lid-cum-vases and carinated vessels, It appears that the 

lower part j. e., the mud part of the citadel of Vijayapuri was of an earlier period, probably coeval 

with the first phase of occupation within the Ikshvaku period, and its renovation and the brick 

A.H.R.S. Vol. 38, Pt. IV 


structure over it, were done during the second or the third reigns of Ikshvaku rulers. It is 
possible to surmise that the need for strengthening the rampart walls was felt during the last 

years of Virapurushadatta or the earlier years of Ehuvala-Chantamula as a protection from the 
attacks of the neighbouring rulers. This is corroborated by numismatic evidence from this area. 

Moat : Save for the portion ovef the Peddakundellagutta hill, the fortification wall was 
surrounded by a ditch or moat 12 feet in depth and width varying from 74 to 132 feet. On the 
western side / the river Krishna itself served as a natural water barrier. The ditch has been cut into 
the natural rock, but no traces of the system by which the moat was fed were noticed during th 

Gateway : The main gateway of the citadel on the eastern side and a narrow postern gate 
on the northern side, possibly serving as an emergency exit were exposed. On the western side, 

only remnants of what appears to be the palace wall and its gate are extant. 


Eastern Gateway (Site No. 90) : The main entrance of the citadel was evidently on the 

eastern side which was about;33'8" in width. The walls flanking the gateway are obout six feet in 

thickness and have post-holes at an interval of 6'3". On one side is found the door-socket of 

rectangular shape (2'10"x 2'2"). On either side of the gateway, there are what appear to be the 

sub- ways about 11 '6" 

(Site No. 104); On the northern side of the citadel, there is a narrow 

postern gate or passage about 40 feet long and 2*6" wide in the north-south direction. Traces of 
s!ab and brick flooring were found within the passage. This gate possibly served as an emergency 
exit Near about this gate inside the citadel are found evidences of a pavement with a few 
residential structures nearby, 

Western (Site No. 96) : On the western side of the citadel and about 360 feet 

aSf \ 

from the river Krishna runs the western rampart wall (1 1'6" thck) built of brick in mud. It- was 
provided with a gateway. The entrance'passage has total width of 33'8" the same as that of the 
main eastern gateway of the citadel. The width of the actual passage is 17'3". There is an offset 

running round the walls of the gate. Apparently, there were rectangular guard rooms on either side 
of the gateway. On the southern side alone the guard' room is intact. The room measured 
18'5" x 6'2" with an opening on the western side, The gateway is provided with doorways, one 
in the interior and the other on the exterior. This can be inferred from the existence of two sets 
of door-jambs or sockets at either end of the passage. The door-sockets are rectangular. The 
sockets of the inner door way were 22" x 12" and those on -the outer 34" x 19". The outer 
doorways were evidently bigger, 

R. Subrahmanyam 


Post-Holes: It is rather difficult to say whether the gateway had any roof over it or 
whether it was left open to the sky as was the case in the fort of Sisupalgarh. It would have been 
a very difficult task to bridge the gulf of 33'8" by a continuous roof. Nevertheless it is interesting 
to note the existence of a series of post-holes on either walls of the gateway. There are at least 
about 6 such post- holes exactly opposite one another. The post-hole is roughly of one brick 
size i.e., about 22" x 1 0.5". The purpose of these post-holes is not clearly known, but possibly 
some sort of an improvised roofing supported by pillars was erected in these post-holes. 

It is also interesting to record the presence of a series of small holes or sockets roughly 

square, arranged at an intetval of about five feet over the wails on the outer edges of the walls 
that flank the gateway. 

Roads and Tracks: Within the citadel there must have been a number of roads connecting 
important places like the royal buildings, the barracks, the bath and other residential places situated 
within the citadel. The main road coming from the western portion of the citadel is clearly 
traceable right from the main gateway to the opposite (western) side, to a distance of about 
2,000 feet. This road connected the citadel and the township outside the citadel. Another road 
10 feet wide, ran along the foot of the rampart. The road was perhaps, the inner peripheral path 
connecting the barracks and north-eastern gates. 

Structures within ihe Citadel : The structure within the citadel as has been mentioned 
already, include royal apartments (in a very badly damaged and disturbed condition) military 
barracks, rubble structures used probably by palace servants and officers like the durgadhyaksha 
or Commander of the fort, slab-paved hails and plat-forms, stables, baths, water-tubs, wells and 


On the south-west side of the citadel and the palace gateway, a huge rectangular enclosure 
wall made of. rubble, measuring 130'OG" x 160'0" is found (Site No. 95). The main entrance is 
on the western side. It contains a few rooms and two open quadrangles. The whole area was 
apparently divided into four irregular parts. The north-western-corner was left-open to form the 
quadrangles of about 90'Q" x 70'0". Similarly on the southern side also an open quadrangle was 
left. In the adjacent part, of the north-east corner, a few rectangular rooms are found. The 
eastern room measures 13'3"x8'0" and the western room measures 10'0"x20'0". Besides 
these two partitions, there are two wings of apartments on the western side. Thie entrance 
between the rooms is about two feet high. From the disturbed conditions of this building, it is 
very difficult to get a. clear picture of their construction and use. But taking into consideration the 
situation of the building, it is possible that it might have heen the residence of the durgadhyaksha 
pr Commander of tfie fort. 

A.H.R.S,Vol, 38, Pt. IV 


On the northern fringe of the citadel, adjoining and partly overlapping the Chinnakundella- 
gutta is a vast building complex (site No. 102) consisting of a number of halls, rooms, a 
series of ceils, small water tanks, tubs, and drains and the whole being enclosed by a wall 
which runs right over the hill. The enclosure wall was made of rubble though for palaces bricks 
were also used. It is roughly rectangular in plan. The topmost area of Chinnakundellagutta was 
particularly well-protected with an enclosed rectangular wall, the elevated place must have 
provided an excellent place for watching the military movements and activities of the enemy force 
outside the rampart. Down the hill, a huge common bath with well-paved platforms, water tanks 
with steps, water cisterns and tubs were found. There is a long rectangular tub of 35'0" X 4'0", 
The natural bed-rock is used as the bottom of the tub. The whole tub was surrounded by a drain 
10" in width which runs along the adjacent platforms, and goes ultimately to the north-western 
corner. Just by its eastern side, there is another limeplastered cistern with steps around to get 
in. These two cisterns with the vast paved platform might well have served as a common bath 
for the soldiers, who were having their residential quarters immediately on the western side. 
These quarters might hava been built for families connected with the service in the palace and 
they occupy quite a considerable portion of the area. Broadly, the area can be divided into five 
big units, each of which consisted a number of halls, rooms etc. The dimensions of the rooms in 
general are 1 2'3" x 10'5" though there are variations, and halls 22'9" x 10'0". In a few rooms, 
evidence of lime-plastered flooring was found. One unit in particular on the extreme west is 
very striking. There is a spacious square hall at the centre with four rooms on four corners and 
the entire hall surrounded by a row of cells on all sides. Each side has five cells. On the eastern 
qorner of this area, an open quadrangle is provided (site No. 101) probably for the military 
parades. A little towards the west is seen a rectangular brick platform 24'Q" x 16'0", the exact 
purpose of which is not clear, It is likely that the platform was used for ceremonial occasions 
or parades. 

Towards the northern fringe of the citadel and near about the postern gate, there seems to 
have been the residential quarters. Site No. 104 gives some indications of the same. Within a 
vast rectangular brick enclosure wall of 108'0" x 54'0", there were four partitions, two on each 
wing leaving the centre portion vacant. The smaller rooms measure 19'6" x 16'0 and the bigger 
ones about 38'0"xl6'0". There are traces of fine brick flooring within the rooms. Evidently 
there are two phases of construction in this area as the outer enclosure wall runs over an earlier 
tub at the south-east corner. Many disjointed and fragmentary walls evidently of the earlier 
phase are found without giving any indication of their clear lay-out. 

About 150 feet towards the south of the above building complex we find vestiges of another 
residential building - the south-east group consisting of a row of the rectangular ropnri3 gf 

R. S^rahrnanyanr 


The ceramic wares recovered from this area (plain red ware and a few black-and-red ware 
dishes and carinated vessels, sprinklers and bowls) leave no doubt regarding its identity as typical 
Ikshvaku pottery and help us in dating these structures. 

Barracks Area : Another focus of habitation was near the eartern geteway (site No 91). 
It appears to be a veritable barracks area where possib.y a contingent of soldiers s stoned 


to guard the eastern gateway. Here too, a number of .rectangular and ^ ua ; e g ;' S ^ ^ $ h " g 
tubs and platforms were found. Within a huge enclosure, two wings of rectangular halls havmg 
one room each are seen at the site (halls Nos. 1 and 2). The entrances to these rectangular -h is 
are provided with big moon-stones. In one of these rectangular halls, traces of * scuare 
platform 18'0"x15'0" with vertical Cuddapah casing slabs were also seen (room NO. 4). 
There is a gateway into the outer brick enclosure wall about 17 feet in width. Room No. 5 is a 
separate detached rectangular room in a corner of the enclosure wall. Near this traces ot a 
drainage are found. 

On the southern wing of the enclosure, four rectangular rooms-big and small-are found as a 
closely-knit unit. Room No. 7 measured 24'0" x 21'6". They have weli-plastered walls and 
flooring. Outside this complex, two entrances on the east and west are found. The former is 
intact and the latter is missing. The former is paved with bricks and is provided with a moon- 
stone. In one of the bigger halls, a rectangular water oistern was found. 

The huge enclosure wall with the above described residential buildings was provided with 
many outlets at different places, to take out rain water that might collect in the enclosure. Three 
such outlets, one on the northern side and two on the south-eastern side of the enclosure were 
unearthed. The former one is about 2*0" wide, while the latter two are smaller, only about 7 
wide. It will be interesting to note that in between this enclosure wall and the outer rampart wall 
of the citadel, traces of an ancient road going in north-south direction is found. 

The antiquities found in this site' include fine terracotta animal figures like elephant, horse, 
ram and also female figurines... A dice made of shell found in the site shows that perhaps the 
soldiers used their leisure in such pastimes. 

Situated almost in the heart of the fortified area in site No. 93, which apparently comprised 

ritualistic structure enclosed by a massive compound with flanks measuring 54 feet and central 

passage 18 feet wide. The most interesting feature of this structural complex is a square, 

plastered masonry tank- 27'<T x-27'0" x 8'6", which is four-tiered with a square bottom. There are 

'short 'sidesteps on its flanks at each level. It is in the Sulba orientation of inverted Chandas 

A.H.R.S. Vol. 38, Pt. IV 


(stepped pyramid reversed). The water level in this tank was evidently maintained constantly upto 
the depth of about six feet, the remaining water being drained out through the outlet provided on 
the top through the closed subterranean drain. The specific nature of this tank and the adjoining 
tank in Kurma shape is not clear but probably the square tank was an Avabr/tha tank where the 
performer of the Aswamedha yaga took the purificatory bath The ritualistic association of the 
tank may be supported by the occurrence of skeletons of the animals, horse and goat. 

All along the top-edge of the tank are seen post-holes (about 21 in number) distributed 
more or less at equal intervals, Presumably, some sort of a covering or roof was provided over the 
tank. Huge quantities of burnt wood, charred materials, twisted nails and decorative patterns in 

metal ware were recovered from the tank, indicating that it had a wooden roofing with lot of 
decorative patterns and embellishments. 

Immediately to the south of this tank, is another masonary tank, of a peculiar curved 
shape, with the top cross measuring 1 8'0" x 1 2'0". It is also built in two tiers and in plan 
roughly resembles a tortoise or a kurma with its head projecting towards the west. Its overall 
depth is 4'8". A covered drain was provided at the bottom to let the water into two smaller 
tub-like structures outside, Whether it represents the kurma altar for ritualistic purpose or simply 
represents the ornamental tanks and baths for the royal personages, is not known. The nearby 
tub-like structures cannot be taken as ch/tfs or fire-altars as the existence of the drainage 
connecting these with the main tank precludes that possibility. Antiquities found in this site 
consist of a number of lead coins of Ikshvaku kings Ifke Virapurushadatta, beautiful terracotta 
figures and figurines, and lime-stone carvings like the moon-stone with mythical animals etc. 

A few rubble-built houses enclosed by a huge outer wall are found in site No. 103, towards 
the north-east corner of the citadel. These represent structures of the later period in which earlier 
Ikshvaku building materials such as pillar-fragments etc., were used. Besides these residential 
buildings, a few temples and baths were also excavated inside the citadal. They have been 
described in their proper context. 


The river Krishna and its minor tributary streams, in the course of centuries, have dissected 
their Course through the plateau. Due to this dissection of the river and feeder streams, isolated 
flat topped hill masses have been formed within this valley. One such hill ma'ss is the Dufganrv- 
konda where it is proposed to have the Museum. It is narrow and elongated with an east- 
north-east and west-south-west trend, the most westerly point ending at the river. The river 
which had a north-south course has taken a sharp bend here so as to flow along the northern base 

R. Subrahmanyam 


of the hill. Since it has taken a northerly bend it has been considered assacred as Ganges near 
Benares and the Ikshavaku monarchs have established Sivalingas and built temples for Siva to 
render it a sacred thirta or a place of pilgrimage. The crematorium of Ikshvakus was also located 
on the northern slopes of the hill and on the river bank. Associated with the crematorium is the 
temple of Siva named Nadagisvarasvami (meaning ofwhich is not quite intelligible) datable to the 
reign of Ehuvala Chantamula. 

The top surface of the hill has a gentle westerly slope of about 560 feet above sea level, 
while on the eastern side, it raises to about 680 feet above mean sea level. The top surface 
is elongated with varying width, the maximum width which is on the eastern side is about 1,600 
feet. On the westerly side, it is reduced to 700 feet and the total distance lengthwise being 
6,000 feet in all. The slope of the hill mass is less than 80 from the horizontal. The profile, 
however, shows that the raise from the ground level i$ less than 15 from the horizontal. The 
slope gradually increases and for small heights near the top, the slope in nearly vertical. This 
vertical portion of the hill consists of bends of quartazitic sand stone with a thickness ranging 
from 20 to 30 feet. This natural formation of quartazitic sand stone gives an impression of a 
fortification wall when looked from below. 

The total surface area of the hill top is 185 acres, which is utilised for the construction of the 
port and other buildings for defence purposes. One interesting feature about the layout of this 
port is the presence of four temples on four sides at the foot of the hill. On the eastern side, near 
the main gate, is the Naga temple; on the north-eastern side is Kodandarama temple with a huge 
image of Hanuman in its front; on the north-western side is the Nadggisvara temple and on the 
south-western side, the great temple of Pushapabhadrasvami. 

The Ikshvakus had built this gfrfdurga to serve as a place of security in times of siege 
by the enemies. The entire hillock was fortified by rings of walls built of solid granite blocks 
around the hill, both at its base and on its top with four main gates at the cardinal directions. 

Fort Walls : The fort walls are made of granite blocks. The thickness of the wall varies 
from 15 to 25 feet. At some places on the southern side evidences of later-day repairs by way of 
brick reinforcements to a considerable length are found. 

On the south-western corner of the hill, a rectangular bastion built of bricks with a stone- 
paved path or passage through it meant to be used by the elephants, as the local tradition would 
have us believe, has been noticed, 

A.H.R.S. Vol.38, Ft- IV. 


Moat .: The fort wall is surrounded by a moat about 35 to 120 feet in width going all 

Gateways: There are four main gateways at the south-eastern, south-western, north- 
western and north-eastern sides, and a northern gate with a flight of curving steps leading to the 
cremation ghat. The main entrance appears to have been on the south-eastern side with a 
flight of steps in front leading to the bottom of the hill. Three gateways at" the top of the hill 
connected by flights of steps from the start of the hills are in a fair state of preservation. From 
the outer or the lower enclosure wall to the gateway on the south-western side, there is a stone 
pitched track, which is also in good condition. But the south-western gate has a semi-circular 
bastion near the periphery and the steps leading down have disappeared. 

South-Eastern Gateway: The main passage of the gateway was about 12 feet broad. 
The gateway seems to have had a covered roof of granite beam or lintels, one of them still in 
position. Immediately outside the gate, there is a structure complex with four rooms of more or 
less of equal dimensions (each room measuring 45'0'' x 38'0") built in random rubble, with inter- 
connecting doorways. This was perhaps the building set apart for the chief of guards with his 
garrison to protect the gateway. Between this structure and the main gateway, there is the moat. 
This house and the main gate are again enclosed by a ring of rubble wall 15 feet in thickness, 
which formed a sort of a bastion for the gate. Each of the gates is well protected by rubble 
enclosures with minor gates. In all these gates, the passages through them are zig-zag and 
hindered all direct approaches, rendering entry into the fort complicated and difficult. 

North-Eastern Gateway : It is on the north-eastern corner of the fort, The passage into 
the gate is about 20 feet, which narrows down near the door to 4 feet. This gateway was 
enclosed by a rubble wall with a secondary opening, which in turn was enclosed by another smaller 
enclosure with a minor gate. The entire area in front of the main gate and its enclosures is 
surrounded by a ring of semi-circular rubble wall, which runs almost to the bottom of the hill. 
This wall, especially the northern side is having three minor gates similar to the eastern side. 
The outer minor passage down the hill is connected to the main gate at the top by a flight of steps, 
leading down to the river. Further north of the outer rampart wall and down the hill on the 
right bank of the river Krishna is the medieval temple of Rama with a huge Hanuman figure in 

Northern Gate : Similar gate arrangements with all its outer enclosures are made at the 
north-western corner of the fort. Here also, there is a flight of steps connecting the burning 
ghat (Site No. 127) and the Siva temples (Site No. 126) at the foot of the hill. The flight of steps 
start right from the river itself. 

R. Subrahmanyam 


In this outer fortification wall, which runs along the foot of the hill, there are three gateways, 
opening on to the river bank front, rendering the river itself to serve as a moat. 

North-Western Gateway ; This gateway is connected to the outer enclosure at the bottom 
by a flight of steps. At the bottom, there is another gateway which leads to the river. 

Structures within the Giridorga : The top of the hiil is almost flat, roughly measuring 
185 acres in extent, divided into three enclosures by huge partition walls made of granite blocks. 
The central enclosure is bigger than the other two and the partition wall has bastions and a 
gateway. Going Iron east to west, the first enclosure occupied roughly one fourth of the area, 
while the third enclosure on the extreme west covered roughly 1/6th of the whole area. The rest 
is in the middle portion. These enclosures are inter-connected by passages or gateways in the 
partition walls. The gateway on the eastern side and the passage in the partition wall were 
connected by a road on which the modern road now runs. Within the first enclosure and by the 
side of the main road referred to, there is a well-laid out plan of residential buildings and three 
temples located at the' junction of ths street facing east. Of these three temples, two are dedicated 
to Siva and Rama, while the third perhaps enshrined a Jain image, the broken torso of which was 
found thrown in the jungle. From the plan, we can notice one major road running in the 
north-south direction with houses on either side. This road goes right upto the northern gateway 
of the fort. This road is cut by two other roads, running in the east- west direction. In one of 
the junctions, there is the temple of Sri Rama and in other junction, there is another temple 
dedicated to Durga. Besides these three major roads, there were some minor streets and by-lanes 
roughly parallel to one another. On both sides of the road, wa find a numoer of residential 
buildings, built of random rubble, some of them consisting of square rooms within enclosures. 
We also get a number of huge square -rectangular quadrangles meant probably for the parade 
ground. This entire complex seems to have been the barracks area. On the southern side of these 
enclosures, there is a building with a series of rooms within an enclosure which appears to be 
the stable. 

Nearby is a huge circular well cut into the natural rock, about 160 feet in diameter. 
One could reach the water-level by a wide circular path which winds its way to the bottom. 
Even elephants could reach this huge well through this circular path. This wall was probably 
meant for the animals kept in the stables. There is another big circular weil on the eastern 
side which might have been the main water source for the residents here. 

The central enclosure seems to have been the main focus of the habitation with a number 
of residential buildings on eitherside of the present road. Here also one can see houses arranged 
in a neat manner on either side of the streets and lanes. Here also a number of streets in the 

A.H.R.S. Vol. 38, Pt. IV 


north-south direction and a cross road in east-west direction are seen. Almost in the centre of this 
enclosure, there is a Jain temple, perhaps belonging to the Vijayanagar times, as is evidenced by 
the surviving temple as wall as tha torana of the image of Maha Vira, with the vedika showing 
the lions (simhasana). But, the most important of all the buildings here, is a huge rubble building 
situated almost in the centre of the entire fort. Perhaps this was the place meant to be the 
residence of the king or his direct representative. It is a big rectangular rubble structure 
425'CT x 370'0" with the main entrance on the east. In front, there is a long rectangular area 
with a smaller room, in its corner. Further west of this rectangular room, a passage leads to a 
bigger enclosure On the southern wing of the latter, there are a few rooms. Outside this 
building^and as part of the same complex, there are smaller square enclosures perhaps meant for 
the servants attached to the palace. 

From this central enclosure, we pass on to the next enclosure on the western extremity of 
the fort through the smaller passage or gate of 8 feet width provided in the partition wall. Within 
this enclosure also, we find vestiges of what might have been a magnificent structure built 
of rubble meant for some important personages like the durgadhyaksha or Commander of the fort. 
The structure consists of one enclosure 150 feet square with a rectangular hall in front. Both have 
entrances to the north. In the eastern wing of the rectangular enclosures, there are four square 
rooms, The whole building is enclosed by an outer rubble enclosure which shows that the build- 
ing had been heavily guarded. To the north of this building complex are a few residential build- 
ings with a number of round buried tubs probably meant for storing water for animals. This might 
also have been a barracks area with a contingent of troops to guard the north-western gate.. 


In view of the vastness of the area of the valley, harizontal excavation of residential 
buildings was restricted to a square area of 1300 r opposite the eastern entrance of the citadel, 
in the centre of the valley to get some data-about the cultural equipment of the common 
man - disposition of structures of different classes and castes in the City, town planning etc. Since 
no clue to their identification except in one or two places was offered, they are being described by 
their site numbers. 

Excavations have revealed to view residential buildings distributed practically all over the 
valley with major concentration to the east of the citadel area. Residential buildings were also 
found near the river bank, at sites like 72, 73, 74, 67 etc,, (on the south of the citadel) and sites 
119, 120, 124 (on the north of the citadel) at the foot of Nagarjuna hill, and some stray ones as 
at the site No.48 on the eastern side of the valley near the Hariti temple. 

From the general distribution of the habitation sites excavated, we can say that residential 
areas were in the immediate vicinity of the citadel on its east, south and north. The eastern side 

R. Subrahmanyam 


of the citadel was, however the main centre of habitation. Excavations have revealed residential 
buildings by way of enclosures, the largest of them measuring 250'0"x150" representing a well-laid 
township, possibly the eastern part of Vijayapuri, mentioned in inscriptions. It was provided with 
well-marked out streets with houses on either side, by-lanes measuring 25 feet and 8 feet 
respectively in width leading to enclosure or clusters of houses in the interior and away from the 
main road. The main street practically divided the township in two halves. Construction of these 
houses is simple and perhaps peculiar to the locality. The foundations of the waifs of the buildings 
were mostly two or three layers of random rubble in clay or mud over which, stone with rough 
dressing or brick walls were constructed. Invariably, except where the^structures were in contact 
with water, the building material was mud or local clay which is quite gritty. The plans of the 
buildings are as simple as their archstecure. They generally comprised one or two rooms with inter- 
communication, a narrow front and rear verandah, enclosed by a compound wall. In the rear 
portion of the house, sufficient open space was kept, perhaps for a kitchen in the open, while inside 
the rooms valuable materials like grain and jewellery were stored. It was also noticed in the 
course of excavations, that storage vessels for grains, oil etc,, were buried in the floor of the 
room, a practice which has came down to this day. Since all the superstructures were also 
missing, nothing could be ascertained about the height of the roof, nature and materials used for 
the doors, windows, ventilators etc. From the occurrence of numerous varieties of roof, drains, 
circular earthen-ware pipes and flat stone channels-it is possible to surmise that buildings of richer 
people at least had flat roofs made of the Macherla slab over wooden rafters with proper slope to 
drain the rain water etc., while the poorer folk had only lean-to roofs with kutcha materials, 
fetched from the forest round about and built against one corner of the compound wall with 
random rubble or mud partition walls and rammed or mud floors. 

From the study of extant remains of residential buildings, the common pattern of a rich 
man's building appears to be an enclosure with a central pillared pavilion with an auxiliary structure 
on all sides built of brick and lirne, encased in Cuddappah slab. While the flooring was paved with 
napa slabs, the walls were plastered with lime, the thickness and the fineness of plaster varying 
with the purpose to which the building was put to. The pillared pavilion is an ornamental 
building with balustraded steps on four sides with a central elevated platform. The purpose of the 
elevated platform in a residential building is not quite intelligible. But from the sculptural 
representation on the pillars and of the associated finds it may not be far from truth if we 
presume that the platform was used as a. sort of a drawing room to receive the visitors. 
Similar platforms were found in the Mukhamandapas of the temples. In the latter case, purpose was 
evidently different. The deity was placed in it for the kalyana utsava or the day to day worship. 
The Utsavamurtf was temporarily kept there f o r abhfsheka and the visitor could have a close darsan. 

That the structure belonged to the Ikshvaku period was evident from the prevalence of typical 
pottery, terracotta figurines, beads, metal objects and a large number of lead coins belonging to 

A.H.R.S.Vol. 38, Pt. IV 


the first three Ikshvaku kings. Within many enclosed walls were found huge storage jars, often 
arranged in rows. 

South of the Citadel : The area immediately to the south of the citadel has a cluster of 
rubble walls (Site Nos. 72, 73 and 74) presumably indicating the habitation site in this part of 
Vijayapuri town. Excavation in this area has yielded structural remains of brick-built as well as 
rubble-built houses. The normal lay-out of these residential buildings consists of rows of rooms 
and a common verandah with a compound wall enclosing them. These are actually located on 
either side of the road leading to Yelesvaram ferry. This incidentally helps us to identify that 
the modern road was actually laid on the old one, 

Site No. 74: Excavation in site No. 74 has yielded the remnants of two buildings-one 
super-imposed over the other-the former built of brick and the latter with rubble. The brick-built 
structure consists of a row of four rooms measuring 8'6" x 8'Q" with a front verandah. This has 
been provided with a roof made of tiles fastened to the ceiling rafters This is indicated by a large 
quantity of flat tiles sometimes with perforations discovered during the excavation. Similar 
perforated tiles were used in Brahmapuri (Kolhapur) in the Satavahana period. These tiles were 
evidently fixed by inserting nails in the holes and fixing them into the wooden rafters, covering the 
roof, 1 or to tie them to the rafters with thread or copper wire. It has east-west orientation and 
perhaps the southern wall was abutting the enclosure wall. It is curious that even in the present 
times, houses are constructed in this locality in identical fashion. A huge compound wall with 
a row of rooms arranged side by side with or without inter-connection is the standard type for a 
common man's dwelling. 

From the extant structure, it is not possible to reconstruct the height of the walls and the 
type of timber used in construction. The bricks used vary in size and their average measurement 
is 14ir"x 7"x 2". 

These buildings compare very well with the structures excavated at Brahmapuri,- a site of the 
Satavahana period. 

The rubble-built structure has a different orientation though in right angle alignment with 
earlier structure. It comprises of two rooms, one big and the other smaller. The bigger one 
measures 15'0" x 9'0". Traces of the front verandah are also noticed. Since the construction 
was done on the slopes of the hill, it is quite possible that the remnants of the super-structure 

1. Excavations at Brahmapuri (Kolhapur) 1945-46 by Sankalia & Dikshit (1952) p. 30 
R. Subrahmanyam 


of the buildings might have been washed down by rain water. 33 lead coins bearing the legend of 
Sri V/ra, presumably Virapurushadatta of Ikshvaku dynasty, were picked up in the area which help 
us in dating the structure to the period of the Ikshvakus. A terracotta bead and a conch shell were 
also recovered from the site. Pottery discovered from this house is mostly utilitarian 
indicating domestic rather than monastic use. 

Site No. 72 : This structure is almost similar to the site No. 74 and consists of a row of 
three rooms each measuring 13'6" x 9'6" with a front verandah about five feet in width in east- 
west orientation. The main entrance to the building is on the north where traces of Cuddapah 
slab steps leading to the room are extant, Numerous storage jars and pots were found fixed into 
the ground, inside the enclosure, presumably used for sorting grains etc., 

, This site was rich in antiquities- nearly 38 lead coins, 14 terracotta human figures, a 
terracotta elephant 12 stone beads, besides many iron objects were discovered here. Some of 
the coins can be ascribed to Virapurushadatta, the second of the Ikshvakv dynasty and therefore, 
the structure may ba dated to his pariod. Terracotta figurines discovered here are made of double 
moulded technique and help us in collecting some useful information about the folk-art. A stone 
intaglio with an engraving of stylised figure of lion holding in its mouth a beaked animal, on the 
left corner and on the right a triratna is, very interesting. This stone plaque is divided into four 
compartments and the lower part is without decoration. It may possibly be a toilet tray. 

Site No 73: It is a pavilion with three balustraded steps provided on the south. Some 
very disturbed remnants of rubble buildings are found, probably representing residential quarters. A 
huge kachcha drain is dug on the south, parallel to the main rubble enclosure and spreads outside 
in a rectangle. One small drain joins this bigger one. This may indicate that each house was 
provided with a drain which was connected to the main drain and all the dirty water was taken and 
drained to a far off place, 

On the eastern side of the citadel, a cluster of rubble structures, with a rough east-west 
alignment have been found. The sites included are: 107,111, 115,89, 87, 57 and 58. As 
said earlier, this was the main focus- centre of Vijayapuri town. 


Site No. 58 : This is to the north of the Stupa No 9, consisting of a brick house within a 
rubble enclosure wall. The main hall measured 46'0", with faint traces of partitions. The 
thickness of the brick wall is two feet and contains square post-holes at a distance of three feet 
in between, presumably for wooden pillars which support the roof of tiles. Three feet away from 
the main building, is a rubble enclosure wall. 

A.H.R.S. Vol. 38, Pt. IV 


This site has yielded a pot containing jewellery, consisting of two ear ornaments (kundalas), 
a gold necklace with a Roman coin, pierced and used as pendant, perhaps belonging to the 
inhabitants of this house. Besides these, we also obtained a number of ikshvaku lead coins, 
copper armlet, iron miniature bowls, terracotta figures and figurines, shell bangles, beads and glass 

Site No. 57: The Kartikeya temple is surrounded by rectangular walls enclosing an area 
of 215'0" x 160'0". Apparently by the side of the temple, there must have been residential 
buildings connected with this temple. 

Towards the east of the Kartikeya temple, huge rectangular rubble enclosures are found with 
occasional partition also made of rubble. All the houses which these rubble walls enclosed, have 
disappeared, leaving no traces of their plans even. Presumably, they were made of non-durable 
materials which have not with stood the ravages of time. 

To the south of the Kartikeya temple, traces of an ancient road (No. iV A) are found 
going in the eastern direction.. It is about 20 feet in width. On either side of the road, traces of 
rubble enclosure walls of irregular size were found. The one on the south measuring roughly about 
360'0" x 240*0" has a central partition wall of rubble, inside this enclosure there must have been 
many houses built of perishable materials. On the north of the Kartikeya temple, are rows of three 
rectangular rubble enclosures which together occupy an area of 270'0" x 100'0". Each of these 
t h ree enclosures must have contained smaller houses. The entrance to these enclosures is 
towards the north side, where there is another ancient road running in east-west direction. The 
total extant length of this road is 1-J- furlongs with a uniform width of 30 feet. It is this road that 
leads to the citadel, connecting the town with the citadel area. 

Site No. 89: On the northern side of this road is site No. 89 comprising a number of 
rubble stone enclosures including the goldsmith's workshop which has been described above. 
Therein, we find two rooms intact, the bigger room adjacent to the road measures 2Q < 6" x 17'0" 
in which there is platform. The next room Is 2Q'0" x 16'0". Immediately to the west 
of the goldsmith's workshop, another typical house was found. Within a rectangular rubble 
enclosure, two rooms are found adjacent to each other with a partition wall. One is a rectangle 
and the other a square of 19 feet, probably with an entrance towards the road side to the south. 
Further north of this Site No. 89, is another smaller street running in the east-west direction. It 
is about 15 feet in width. While to the south of this street is Site No. 89, on its north a number 
of rectangular enclosures in close proximity all along the road side, of various sizes, were exposed 
to view. There is no uniformity with regard to the size of the enclosure. This area must have 
been dotted with a number of small dwellings made of perishable materials like wood, thatched 

A.RR.S. Vol. 38, Pt. IV 


roof etc. Only the outer rubble enclosures have survived to this day. Good examples of this type 
by way of a series of rubble enclosures are seen in sites No. 115, and 111. In site No, 115 
which has a pillared hall, a number of similar rubble enclosure walls are found. 

Site No. 87 : To the north of the road No IV, we find a rectangular brick platform 
(15'0" x 22'6") with a rubble enclosure (50'0' r x 35'0"). This brick platform formed a part of the 
flooring of the rooms, the walls having disappeared, due to the vandalism of local people, who 
pillaged the ancient structures for building materials. Another huge rubble enclosure wall is seen 

Site No. 37 : Situated by the side of Road No. Ill appears a unique residential building 
probably meant for a noble man or a rich foreign merchant. It is a 24-pillared hall with entrances 
on the east and on the west, with one long room on either side. The entrances are 
provided with well-decorated Chandrasflas (rnoon-slabs) and steps with balustrades. There is a 
central platform in the hall with beautifully-carved pillars The walls of these buildings which 
are of brick have been encased with Cuddapah slabs neatly cut into shape. About this edifice, 
Longhurst wrote: "From the style of this elaborate ornamentation and curious semi-classical subjects 
portrayed on their shafts, the pillars appear to have supported the wooden roof of a hall belonging 
to the royal palace, No pillars of this kind were found at any other site. Two of these pillars are 
particularly interesting, one representing a bearded soldier apparently a Scythian wearing, a 
Roman-like helmet, a quilted long-sleeved tunic and trousers holding a heavy spear. The other 
sculpture portrays a male figure, nude down to the waist and holding a drinking horn (rhyton) in 
his left hand". 

In view of the small size of the building, it is difficult to agree with Longhurst's identification 
of this structure as a palace. Very likely it can be the house of a rich nobleman or foreign Saka 
merchant who lived in the city. From one of the inscriptions discovered in the Kumara Nandi 
Vihara, an indication is made of the existence of special enclosures in the city of Vijayapuri with 
residential buildings for the use of dignitaries and foreign settlers. Is'varadatta, the Saka is said to 
have lived in a special enclosure or par/vena named after the chief Queen Mahadevi (Mahadevi 
par/venana) Similar names must have been given to other enclosures though unfortunately we 
do not have any inscription of that kind. 

Site to the North of the Citadel : On the northern side of the citadel and to the east of 
Pushpabhadrasvami temple, on the slope of Mahisasaka vihara, remains of habitation buildings 
represented by sites No.. 119, 1 20, 117 and 124 were exposed to view. The first two sites are 
situated on either side of Road I, which] runs in the east-west direction of the valley. The 
other sites are on the southern slope of the Mahisasaka hill. 

R. Subrahmanyam 


Site No. 119 : Adjoining the road, on its south-west is a complex of residential buildings 
with a rectangular brick enclosure wall containing a row of five rooms of more or less equal 
proportions i e., 9'0" x 9'6" with a verandah in front. Remnants of a drain and a tub are also found, 
There are a number of disturbed and fragmentary walls of brick and rubble of earlier period. But no 
regular plan is discernible. Towards the west two spacious rubble enclosures are also 
found with a tub -like structure of brick in a corner. Thickness of the brick-wall is 2'6", 

Site No. 120 : On the north of the same road (i.e., Road No. I) behind Pushpabhadravsami 
temple are found rubble and brick houses represented by site No. 1 20. 

Within a big rubble enclosure wall are seen three rectangular structures, two of brick 
and one of rubble, separated from one another. The smallest room measures 20'0" x 12'0", the 
next bigger is 33'0' 'x 1 I'O", while the rubble structure measures 25'0" x 17'0". Besides these 
three rooms, there are two smaller rooms on the north-western corner of the enclosure probably 
used as bath rcoms. 

Site Mo. 124 : To the north-west of the habitation area described above, is the site No. 
1 24, which is only an extension of that site. Huge rubble enclosures are found on either side of This must have contained many houses similar to those on the east of the 
citadel, built of highly perishable materials. 

Site Wo. 117:. To the south-east of the Mahisasaka hill on the slopes, there are a series 
of rectangular rubble enclosures, about 20 in number, of various sizes. There is no uniformity in 
the size of rooms or any regular alignment. The biggest enclosure is about 205'Q" x!65'0" and 
the smallest 31'0" x 55,0". 

Site Mo. 48: About 100 yards to the south-east of the Hariti temple, remnants of a habita- 
tion area, consisting of well-built residential houses in three rows - on northern, southern, and 
western sides have been found. The extant remnants indicate a wall of 42'5" in length with a 
partition wall at the northern end, enclosing three sides of a room which measures 14'5" x 10'10". 
The northern wing consisted of small rooms 6'8" x 7'2" and 9'4" x 7'5" separated by the partition 
walls 1 '6". A narrow passage of 4' x 6' width was left, to serve as a passage or entrance to the rear 
verandah. The northern side- wall of the rooms extends further towards east joining with the eastern 
sidewall. No trace of any regular room was seen. Particularly at the eastern side, only a wall of T6" 
width has survived to a length of 30'0". The huge amount of plastered brick debris and perforated 
tiles indicated the use of thickly plastered wall surface and the beautifully tiled roofing over them. 
Many post holes at regular intervals of three feet on the walls (particularly in the two rooms at the 
northern wing) of the teems suggest that the rcof vvas supported ty vvccc'cn pilleis, 

R. Subrahmanyarn 


The rooms contained coarse gravel-filling of 2" x A" thickness, the top of which is plastered 
with lime and finished smooth. Out- side the rooms, only mud floor is seen. The local farmers 
dug the earth close to the structure, which factor contributed much to the destruction of the 
structure, so that a full picture of the structure could not be had. 

Pottery found here is of the usual red-slipped ware of the Ikshvaku period. A lead coin 
bearing the Ujjain symbol on the reverse and a corroded legend on the obverse of the Ikshvaku 

kings was found here to help us in dating the structure. 

Introduction : Apart from the private residential buildings for the common people and the 
nobles,- we find certian edifices in various parts of the valley, which by thair nature and vastness 
may have to be identified as. public buildings, meant for social gatherings on important ceremonial 
occasions like debates, religious discourses, games and recreation. Ancient Vijayapuri, as a 
renowened centre of Buddhism, attracted both Mahayanists and Hinayanist from far off places. It 
was also a centre of Buddhist learning, with notable acharyas like Nagarjuna, Aryadeva and 
Dharrnanandi etc. Buddhist viharas dedicated to the use of acharyas of different sects like the 
Apara Mahavinasely, Mahfsasaka, Ra/agirika, flourished at Vijayapuri, thanks to the patronage 
and munificence of the Ikshvaku rulers who encouraged all religions Sakasamaye and Para Samaye 
without any discrimination. Buddhism being essentially congregational needed places for 
gathering of all the monks for religious discourses. To serve the needs of the inmates of these 
numerous viharas, the Ikshvaku kings seem to have built an open-air amphitheatre, 

Site No. 17 is a pre-eminent example of a vast amphitheatre or a stadium. On the contours 
of the Phirangulamotu hill is juxtaposed the temple of Hariti with an amphitheatre to its west at a 
lower level. The PhirangulamDtu hill runs north-south, about 957 feet ab3ve the sea level. 
At the lower reaches of this hill, there is a westerly projection of about 150 feet at 400 feet 
contour, Taking advantage of this ledge, the builders have chosen this eminence for locating the 
temple of Hariti. This rugged projection was secured by building a retaining wall 13 feet in brick 
on the southern slope and the top rendered alnriDSt flat by filling the depression with mud and 
loose stones, Indications of toe-walls built into the core of the hills to strengthen the retaining 
wall and avoid possible bulging due to thrust are available. On the summit of this elevated ground 
500 feet above sea level, a small temple for Hariti, the mother of Buddhist pantheon, with a 
pillared mandapa'ln front was constructed, That this temple was attracting large number of 
Buddhist nuns and lay women is. indicated by ths discovery of large quantities of bangles in shell, 
perhaps votive offering at the shrine and a -fragmentery inscription on a pillar, records a 
prepetual endownment, Aksayanlv/ior its maintenance. 

A.H.R.S. VOL 38, pt. iv- 


Taking advantage of this maximum 13 feet brick wall, which served as a screen on the 
south, a large open air amphitheatre was added to its north with a central passage or main 
entrance into the quadrangle and a flight of steps with galleries on all sides to a height of about 
18 feet. This central open space measures 55'9" x 48'9 // and is exposed to the sun and the rain. 
During the excavation it was noticed that the whole area was badly disturbed, Since an elaborate 
stone-paved drain was found built at in the south-western corner, to drain out rain water collected 
inside, It may have to be presumed that the central court was also paved with Cuddapah slab or 

Alround this open court there are galleries or benches built in brick and encased In slabs 
both vertically and horizontally, except on the south-western side. The gallery consists of 11 tiers 
of seats. On the south-west side, the flight of steps leading to the top of the hill divides the 
gallery into- two halves with an addition of 12th, 13th and 14th tiers of steps, perhaps to provide 
additional space for distinguished visitors. These latter top galleries have been found converted 
into special enclosures, perhaps to afford privacy and privilege to the people occupying these 
seats. It Is interesting to note that some of the seating slabs bear the names of those that sat 
Dhanakasa Asana etc,, for whom these seats were reserved, 

Detailed measurements of gallery of this amphitheatre are as follows : All round the open 
space in the centre, there are brick-built galleries encased in Cuddapah slabs. The southern and 
northern side benches upto the 11th tier are common to all. The south-eastern side where the 
main stair-case divides the two .halls, additional space has been provided on either side of the 
stair-case and covering the tiers 1 2th, 1 3th, and 14th for accommodating important visitors to 
the function, The tread of the step varies in dimension first 3'00". second T9". third 1'6 
fourth 2'0", fifth 1 '6", sixth 5'3", seventh 1 '9", eighth 1 "1 0", ninth 2'Q", tenth 2'OD", eleventh 2'3 
twelfth 2'9", thirteenth 2'9", fourteenth 2'9", and fifteenth 7'10". 

The height of the steps is first 3'0", second 0.69", third 0.50", fourth 0.50", fifth 6.50" and 
the remaining are 0.90". 



Flight of : Besides the central flight of steps, galleries seern to have been 

provided also on the north-western and south-eastern sides, but only faint traces of that arrange- 
ment have survived to this day. The more spectacular and well-preserved one is the central 
stair-case, ft is also 8 feet in width and is flanked on either side with ornamented balustrades, 
The height of the steps vanished with the gradient of the hill, the lower-most one being 4" in 
height. There are landings at regular intervals, to reduce the strain while climbing and the 
steps end in a narrow corrldoror rocrn iir mediately above the 14th tier. In the south-east corner 

R. Subrahmans/arn 


of this room (measuring 29'0" x 6'6") with niches in the walls, there is a winding or spiral stair- 
case leading to the temple on the top. A circular abacus-part of a column was situated right at 
the centre of the quadrangle. One of the stone benches bore the tn'ratna and bow-and-arrow 
marks. Another has an inscription reading 'Kamasara' or Kamesvara. A rare feature connected 
with this building is its fine acoustics, which the architect had succeeded in achieving by utilising 
the slopes of the hill. 

Th Arena (Site KQ. 122): At the north-western corner of the valley, in between the 
citadel wall and the foot of the fortified hill and in the vicinity of the temple of Pushpabhadrasvami, 
on the bank of the river, taking advantage of the natural low-lying area, a magnificent arena with 
galleries on three sides, and a pillared pavillion on the fourth, was built by the Ikshvakus. This 
is just a magnified example of the auditorium near the University site, 

The entire construction is brick and lime, lined with Cuddapah slabs. The central open space 
309'0" x 259'0" is found divided into a number of sectors by vertical slabs fixed into the 
ground. The southern gallery consists of four wide receding steps or benches, the top most one 
being the widest For easy access into the central court, there are three more flights of steps, while 
the northern wing contains longer benches of equal dimensions -two of them on the south are 
divided into two halves by a circular bastion-like structure with some other building, but no traces 
of the building are available now. At the mouth of this passage, near the semi-circular opening, 
there are grooves in the wail for a wooden shutter to be operated from above. The eastern wing 
is perhaps the shortest gallery in height. It has only three or four steps and a wide bench on top. 
The western side is the most spectacular of all. It consists of a central projecting gallery, with 
two long side benches. Pillar sockets and bases exposed at this site indicate the existence of a 
pillared pavilion, where perhaps the king along with other nobility and important members sat and 
witnessed the functions. The vertical height of the pavilion from the side of the arena is h'gher 
here, which prevented all direct approaches to the king from the centre. Two smaller flights of 
of steps or stair-cases, on either end of the pavilion, perhaps served this purpose of approaches to 
the pavilion from where people could reach the king unobserved from front, at the same time 
maintaining the dignity and decorum of the royal personages. 

Excavations in the pavilion site have revealed clearly three phases of structural activity. In 
the first phase, there seems to have been only a huge pillared pavilion with a high platform, while 
in the second phase, this platform was divided into halls or rooms. In the third phase, on the ruins 
of the second phase structures, an apsidal shrine was built and a compound wall on the west was 
added. It was perhaps during this period, that the square raised platform with rubble-fijled 
floor was also added at the south-eastern corner of the enclosure, 

A.H.R.S. Vol. 38, Pt. IV 


Antiquities discovered in the area are very interesting. Skeletal remains of animals, 
particularly those of elephants, coins, terracotta bulls and pendantsjnscribed vertical slabs fixed 
into the ground, stone sculpture of Devasena - the consort of Kartikeya, the patron deity of the 
Ikshvakus-all seem to suggest that it was a place of public gathering for functions like kings' 
abhfsheka amusements and sports connected and conducted in the immediate presence of the king. 
The occurance of elephant bones seem to point out to the elephant fight, while the cfay bullae 
with double trident and perforations at the top, might have been tokens issued by the king for the 
winners in the sports. 

The sections of the tranches in the area showed in the lowest layers, large quantities of 
pottery of the Ikshvaku period, mixed with fine sand, while the thick deposits immediately 
overlying them is all alluvial clay except for the surface humus and the layer immediately below. 
This thick deposit of clay, made some people think that the entire structure might have been a huge 
pond or tank (teppakulam). generally found in South India as part of a temple complex. Its 
proximity to the temple of Siva - Pushpabhadra seems to have influenced this inference. 

There are two strong arguments which made me feel that it was an arena rather than a tank or 
teppakulam. Construction of a tank of this dimension, immediately on the bank of the river, is 
inexplicable, particularly when the people we*e habituated to use the river for bathing purposes 
and when elaborate bathing ghats were built on the river hardly fifty yards away from this site. 
Secondly the embankment and the vertical height of the structure on the eastern side is hardly 
three feet wh ; ch naturally cannot retain targe quantities of water needed for the float-festival 
(teppostavam) connected with the temple. Again, the occurrence of elephant bones and skeletons 
in the occupational level of the building needs a satisfactory explanation in case it is to be identi- 
fied as a tank. 

In view of the above and on the basis of antiquities discovered, I am inclined to identify it 
as an arena, the like of which in a smaller scale, we are already familiar with in the eastern part of 
the city near the University site. 

The Ikshvakus, like all contemporary monarchs, indulged in performing vedic sacrifices, like 
'Asvamedha', for which a huge congregation of people gathered at the city. For the numerous 
hfranya danas or gifts performed by Chantamula, they needed a place big enough to accommodate 
all the citizens, to witness the function and naturally, there cannot be a better place than this huge 
structure near the palace, for arranging that. 

Ranga-Mondapa or Dancing Hall (Site No. 80) : This site is situated in S. XXI A, on 
the bank of the river Krishna near Peddalamody hill. It is a huge 36-pilIared hall surrounded by an 

R. Subrahmanyam 


open courtyard on three sides with tha main entrance on the east and two rooms behind the 
mandapa. The pillared hall measured 50 feet square, whereas the rooms stood at 22'0" x 28'0" 
and 19'0" x 27'0". Thsse two rooms are inter-connected by a passage. These huge proportions 
of the hall and also the main gateway make one surmise that it might have been a sort of 
congregation hall probably meant for witnessing some cultural show. There is also a drain 
provided to take out the rain water, from the courtyard. A water-tub is also provided in the 
south wing of the courtyard. 

Site No, 70 : The site No. 70 which is situated (in Sector S II) near the Kartikeya temple 
on the river bank also appears to have been a public hail. The hall is enclosed with a brick wail on 
all sides. This measures 48'10" x 42'6". The Pillars are arranged in five rows of six each. 
Traces of a room within the mandapa are seen on the eastern side. A brick structure in a segment 
shape probably representing the entrance is visible on the west To the south-east corner of the 
hill, a brick enclosure wall about 55'0" long is seen with traces of fine brick flooring A small 
rectangular tub is also found. 


Antiquities discovered at Nagarjunakonda, supplemented by structural evidences furnish us 
interesting data about trade and merchant guilds that flourished at Vijayapuri during the Ikshvaku 
and post-lkshvaku periods Mention can be made here about swarnakaras or gold-smiths, lohakara 
or smiths, sanka-valayakaras or shell- workers besides avesanfs - architects and vidhikas or stone- 
cutters. Inscriptions also referred to the superintendents of works-Bhadanta Ananda and Naganandi 
Thera under whose guidance and direction structural activity at Nagarjunakonda- Vijayapuri was 
carried on. Restricted digs in the city site have brought to light vestiges of what appear to be 
workshops of gold-smiths, sculptor's ivory and shell objects, bricks, tiles, lime and pots of Ikshvaku 
period and an iron-smelting area of post-lkshvaku period 

i) Gold smith 3 s shop; Near the eastern wing of site No 89. evidence of a goldsmith's 
workshp has been found. Interesting data by way of crucibles, moulds for gold jewellery touch- 
stone, weights, iron hammers and terracotta bangles were discovered at the site indicating its 
identification without much difficulty. A hoard of coins which was also found within the house/ 
well-preserved in a pot, seem to lend support to the thaory of Kautilya that the goldsmiths in the 
city were authorised to mint coins on behalf of the king. 

This site is situated on the northern side of an ancient road running between east and west 
amidst a number of residential buildings. 

A.H.R.S. Vol. 38, Pt. VI 


It is a small rubble-built structure without an outer enclosure. Within it there are two roughly 
rectangular rooms with a central partition wall The bigger cne measures 2Q"6" x 17'0". In a corner 
of this room, there is a rectangular platform 8'6" x 6'6" with napa slab flooring and vertical 
napa slabs are fixed on three sides. Just by the side of the platform, is also seen trace of pebble 
flooring. This might have been the actual workshop while the adjoining smaller room might well 
have been the goldsmith's house. 

si) Sculptors Workshop : Equally important was the profession of the ' sculptor 
(avesan/and vaddhaki). Rich nobles and businessmen (srestms) vied with one another in adding 
new edifices to the monasteries and decorating them with stone images etc , (salflamayi prat/ma) 
of Buddha and they generally entrusted these tasks to competent sculptors or avesanfs. This is 
called navakamma '"a religious building dedicated by some lay member to the Sangha". A 
superintendent of works is appointed by the Bhikkus to supervise the constructions. These 
vaddhakis or saila vardhakfs mentioned in the inscriptions formed themselves into guilds and they 
undertook construction works. Similar guilds of Utthaka-Vad'dhaki, a brick-mason should have 
also flourished at Nagarjunakonda, with their characreristic guild marks or symbols, helping the 
sculptors. One name of the ancient avesanfs of Nagarjunakonda Mulabhuta, whose memorial 
pillar was found in site No, 69 is the surviving evidence of the personal names of these ancient 

Site Mo. 1 5 : has yielded a large number of stone images of Buddha in different stages of 
execution, stocked in a rectangular room. Th'S was perhaps the place where stone-sculptors were 
working and supplying the images to the different monasteries of Nagarjunakonda. 

This rectangular room is situated on the southern wing of a vihara on the hillock by the side 
of the road to Vijayapuri. It is within a monastic unit which consists of a rubble stupa and a three- 
winged vihara. This particular room measures about 18'0" x 8'9", while the northern and eastern 
wings of the vihara have only four rooms. The western wing alone has this additional chamber, 
probably set apart for the sculptors. Entrance to this chamber is provided with a moon-stone slab, 
It is interesting to note that in the centre of the wall of this chamber, there are niches, evidently 
meant for keeping these sculptures during the process of carving. To the south-east corner of 
this room, another rectangular pedestal made of bricks ss also found. From this room were 
recovered three torsos of Buddha and one immediately outside. Besides these lime-stone 
carvings of Buddha-pada, a stone with line drawings of Dhyana Buddha was found outside 
this room. Similarly, pillars carved or otherwise, needed fortha mandapas or pillar halls were 
done by these vaddhakis. A name vfdhfka, with the symbol of a bow and arrow was found 
occurring invariably on the niches or pillars, in the halls excavated here, The pillars discovered in 
the site of Ashta Bhujasvemi form a class by themselves in this category, 

R. Subrahmanyam 


Hi) Ivory osid Shell - Workshops : Ivory and shell workers also received similar 
patronage at the hands of citizens of Vijayapuri. Immediately outside the eastern gate of the 
citadel, there seems to have flourished the guild of sankha-valayakaras, who worked on conches 
making them into bangles. These shell bangles were in great demand as they formed a major 
part of the offerings at the temples of Hariti and Ashtabhujasvami These shell workers (Sankha- 
valayakaras) are very often referred to in Mahavastu, and they must have played a leading role in 
the internal trade and commerce of Nagarjunakonda also. 

Site No. 36 is a 12 pillared mandapa within a brick enclosure. The mandapa measures 
52'8" x 32'0". On ail sides except on the east, traces of rubble platforms are seen There are 
traces of partition waifs dividing the mandapa into three. 

This site produced a maximum number of shell-bangles, about 468 in number, in various sizes 
and stages of execution. This high frequency might indicate that in this site must have been 
located some centre of manufacture of shell-bangles. There might have been one or two more 
centres of manufacture and sale. This might have been located at a religious centre frequented 
by visitors from home and abroad. Particularly in front of Harity shrine, a large number of ivory 
objects were found. There might have been a shop to sell these objects to the worshippers who 
came to offer the ivory and shell bangles to the mother- Goddess Hariti for propitiating her. 

iv) Bricks and Tiles : Building materials like bricks and tiles were manufactured in the 
city itself. Evidences of the kilns specially built for this purpose and used in the constructions were 
noticed at some shes like the University area and Nagargunakonda 1 1. Practically at every site, 
flat and corrugated tiles, sometimes with holes and bridges or platforms, were found indicating their 
use in construction. The bricks, which are well-built, are of large size and some of them bear the 
mark of the brickmason-bow and arrow, the guild responsible for many a construction in this city. 

v) Lime-Slaking Centres : Lime was also burnt and slaked at a number of sites as 
indicated by the numerous lime-tubs and pots" found at sites. Sand, both coarse and fine variety, 
was used in preparing the lime-mortar used for construction purposes. It can be mentioned that 
lime was used in construction at places in contact with water while other structures were built in 
mud and plastered with lime. 

In No. 96 near the western gateway of the citadel, a rectangular tub of 6'6" x 2'6" was 
found. Probably this was used for mixing the lime while work was going on in connection with 

the construction of the gateway and the rampart w^lls. 


A.H.R.S. Vol. 38. Pt. IV 


in site No. 18 -A, we have a huge circular lime-kiln with four small passages or outlets on 
four sides. Evidences of hard earth mixed with lime were available. The circular S<iln is also 
15 feet in diameter. 

In site No. 91 near the barracks within the citadel, a few rectangular shallow tubs are found, 
which could have been used as limb-tubs. Tub No, 7, 16, are such examples. They are roughly 
about 4'0" x 2'6". 

vl) Potter's Shop .: (Kumbhakaras) : Significant was the role played by the potter who 
not only made utilitarian pots, sprinklers, dishes, lamps of numerous shapes and designs and toys to 
serve the demands from people but also engaged himself in the manufacture of all images of cult 
goJs, goddesses, and votive tanks etc., used. In this art, the potter betrays in delienation, 
ornamentation etc, a skill which is of no mean order. Of these cult gods worshipped by the 
people of Nagarjunakonda, the mother Goddess, Kartikeya and puma ghata or fertility symbol, 
are popular. The technique adopted by the potters who manufactured these terracottas is also 
available. The mo*t important and dominating is the double- moulded one, while evidences for 
the manufacture of applique and plaque varieties are also not wanting. Particular mention may 
be made of site No. 69, where terracotta figures have been found in plenty. The site No. 69 is 
a rubble enclosure on top of the hill mound with a brick wall inside. 

vii) Black-Smith's Workshop : Evidences of an iron-smelting area belonging to the 
posMkshvaku period are available in the valley. A large number of iron implements found in 
various parts of the valley definitely show that iron was used profusely for the day-to-day needs 
of the people in agriculture and other purposes. One such centre was apparently located in site 
No. 17- A, on the slopes of the hill near the stadium. The surface exploration in this area itself 
yielded a large number of molted iron lumps suggesting the location of an iron-smelting industry 
and the excavations have also corroborated the surmise. All the necessary equipment of a black- 
smith (lohakara) like, furnace for smelting iron, iron slag, pipe-line in terracotta to pass the molten 
metal to the moulds to get the desired shapes of implements manufactured, besides arrangement 
for storing water were all discovered at this site. 

This structure consisted of a single row of four rooms and a front verandah of 3'9" in width. 
Room No. I and III were 7'9" square, while- Room No II measures 17'0"x7'9" and Room No, IV 
measures 9'2" x 7'9". On statigraphical grounds, the present structure can be ascribed to a 
period immediately following the Ikshvaku time, as it overlay the earlier Ikshvaku phase. The 
associated ceramic industry like the coarse-grained grey- ware with no slip or wash, plastered slipped 
ware of coarse section point to the same conclusion Besides, a number of iron lumps, a furnace 

R. Subrahmanyam 


of kiln in oval shape supported by bricks built around was also fount Similar kilns in brokeh 

condition were also recovered in this area. A number of earthen pipes with circular groove of " 
to 1" diameter were also found. These were used perhaps to connect the blowers to the furnace 
as conduiis of air. 

(i) OH - 

Excavations have revealed to view structural complexes at vantage points at the road 
crossings or in the vicinity of important places of public gatherings like temples, bathing tanks etc. 
These comprise mostly of pillared halls or mandapas, which for the sake of convenience can be 
classified as dharmasalas. These structures have been referred to as site mandapas or saila 
mandapas in inscriptions associated with Buddhist monasteries or viharas and presumably used for 
congregational purposes by the monks. This idea seems to have prompted philanthropic and rich 
gentlemen of the city to construct similar mandapas in different corners of the city for the use of 
pilgrims and other people who visited the temples as temporary shelter-houses or dharmasalas 
during their sojourn in the capital. 

Generally speaking, material used in the construction of these dharmasalas mostly are 
lime-stone pillars with or without any delicate ornamentation enclosed or unenclosed, sometimes 
with slab flooring and roofing, perhaps fixed on wooden rafters and slabs of thinner section as is 
being done even in these days in the Macherla region, in some places, the flor is paved with 
Cuddapah slabs, while in others, the flooring is done with pebble concrete, smoothly plastered. 

A simple and unpretentious 12-pillared mandapa appears to be the norm, while 16, 24, 30, 
36 and 40-pillared mandapas also occur at places, possibly depending upon the need for less or 
more accommodation. No provision for kitchen or bath-rooms has been made, since they are to 
serve only as temporary abodes for the pathikas. Invariably, all these are located on road sides 
and are datable to the periods of Ikshvakus or to those immediate successors. 

The following is the list of the different dharmasa/as discovered at IMagarjunakonda at 
Site No. 1.3, 18, 39-A, 50, 55, 70, 81, 107, 1 i1. 114 and 121. 

(II) Road of the City and the Mandapas there 

Though no systematic attempt was made to expose all the roads of the city. of Vijayapuri, 
from the general disposition of the important temples, stupas, monastic units, secular buildings 

A.H.R.S. Vol. 38, Pt. IV 


like the stadium, university area and other residential structures in the valley, a general picture of 
the lay-out of the main arteries of traffic and other minor roads could be made out. It is 
interesting to note that these dharmasalas or mandapas were situated at some of the cardinal 
points and road junctions. 

There were at least five major roads parallel to one another, running between the river 
Krishna on the west and Phirangimodu on the east, passing through the important sites or localities. 
Two other major roads apparently ran in the north-south direction, one all along the river bank on 
the eastern extremity and the other, all along the foot of the Phirangimodu hill, on the eastern 
extremity. Besides these, just outside the citadel on the eastern side, which was the nucleus of 
the habitation area, some evidences of rubble houses and a few mandapas indicate the presence 
of a few minor roads and streets, though no accurate picture of the same could be obtained due 
to the restricted dig in the area and disturbed conditions of the excavated remains. 

Road I : Of the five parallel roads in the east-west direction of the valley, alluded to 
earlier, the outer-most one on the north connected the Pushpabhadrasvami temple on the river bank 
and the university area (Sites No. 32 and 32-A) at the foot of the Phirangimodu hill, passing 
through the Mahishasaka vihara. At the place where the road joined the University area, a 
sixteen-pillared mandapa was situated. 

Road II: The next road was running immediately south of the above road and parallel 
to it. This road connected the Sarvadeva temple (Site No. 99) on the river-bank, the three- 
winged vihara (Site No. 1 16), the few residential buildings (Site No. 124) and the stupa at the 
site No. 6 etc. On this road towards the river-side, is situated a twelve-pillared mandapa 
(Site No. 121). 

Road III : Another small road branched off from the above-mentioned road near about 
the mandapa (Site No'. 121) and went by the side of the citadel and took a turn to the east 
connecting a monastic unit (Site No. 105) and a few residential buildings (Site No. 115). On both 
the sides of the road are situated two mandapas (Sites No, 1 1 4 & 1 1 1 ). The former is a sixteen- 
pillared mandapa and the latter a thirtysix pillared mandapa. 

Road IV: A fourth road to the south of the above one apparently connected the citadel 
area and the sanitation area on its east. On this road, quite near the citadel, is situated sixteen- 
pillared mandapa (Site No. 88). 

Road V : A fifth road on the extreme south of the city was perhaps the longest and an 
important one. Starting from the sixteen-pillared mandapa (Site No. 70) near the Kartikeya 

R. Subrahmanyam 


temple on the bank of the river Krishna, this road ran towards the Phirangimodu hill on the east 
more or less on the present road that leads to Macherla through the village Pullareddigudem. 
Near about the Site No, 55 on the extreme east of the valley, clear traces of this ancient roads 
could be discerned to a dis'ance of about 200 yards, by way of the rubble used for flanking the 
roads. This mighty road must have traversed through important sites, like the Devasenapathi 
temple (Site No. 39), the stupas (Sites No. 59 and 52), the Chaitya (Site No. 52) and the monastic 
unit (Site No 54). Three mandapas are located on this long road : 

(i) Site No. 39-A : A 12 pillared hall to the east of the Devasenapathi temple. 
(ii) Site No. 61: A 16 pillared mandapa, and 
(iii) Site No. 55 : A 36 pillared mandapa on the extreme east of the valley. 

Of the two other major roads of the city that ran in the north-south direction, the one on the 
west started from the Sarvadeva temple on the river bank and went all along the river bank by the 
side of the citadel walis and passed through the Karitikeya temple (Site No. 82), the Navagraha 
temple (Site No. 78) and ultimately reached the Sites No. 80 and 81, where some detached 
mandapas are situated on the slopes of Putlagudem hill leading to the town to cross over to 
the other bank of Yellesvaram temple site. This road was provided with a thirty-pillared mandapa 
(Site No. 70) .very near the Kartikeya temple. 

The other road of the extreme east referred to above want all along the foot of Phirangimodu 
hill towards river Krishna almost near the present path used by the villagers to go to the river. 
This road evidently passed through the University area (Site No. 32-A), a monastic unit (Site 
No. 26) and reached the Asthabhujasvami temple on the river bank. 

On this long road, there were three rest-houses or mandapas represented by Sites No. 50, 18 
and 13, the last of which has already been described, as it is situated at the junction of the road 
and the major road that went from the University area towards the east. Site No 50 is a sixteen- 
pillared mandapa near the ancient Ikshvaku canal bank. Site No. 18 is a spacious 40-pillared 
mandapa opposite the stadium. 

The foregoing account might well give the reader an idea of the distribution of the major 
roads of the valley and the mandapas, used evidently as Dharmasala or rest-houses placed at the 
cardinal points therein. 

The mandapas referred to above can for convenience be categorised on the basis of the 
number of pillars in the following manner : 

A.H.R.S. Vol. 38, Pt. IV 


No. of pillars 

No. of Mandapas 





A, 107 and 121 




50, 88 and 114 










and 111 




The following is tha detailed description of the different mandapas or dharmasalas : 

12-Pilfared Mandapas 

i) Site No. 39 A : It is located in sector 3 east of Devasenapathi's temple. It measures 
26'6" x 18'6". There is no enclosure wall for this mandapa. No complete pillars are seen. 

ii) Site No. 107 : Nearby site is a monastic unit (Site No. 15) and habitation area 
(Sites No. 89 and 118). The mandapa is enclosed by a brick wall. Measurements of the 
mandapa are 18'10" x 25'3". One carved lime-stone drain is provided. It is located in 
sector ISI-III. 

iii) Site No, 121 : It is located in sector N-VIII east of the area (Site No. 1 22). The 
mandapa measures S2'0" x 46'0". It is enclosed by a brick wall on all sides. Traces of lime 
concrete flooring are visible. It had an entrance on the northern side. No complete pillar is 

16-PHIared Mandapas 

i) Site No. 13 : It is located in sector N-XII near the University area. Only traces of 
the pillar sterns are available. Complete plan of the mandapa is not available, as it is highly 

ii) Site No. 50 : It is located in Sector S-VII. The nearby sites are Hariti temple and 
the stadium. This pillared hafl is first enclosed by a brick wall on all sides and then by a rubble 
wall with an entrance on the northern side. The mandapa measures 23'6" x 28'3". The 16 


pillars are arranged in four rows having four pillars each. 
R. Subrahmanyam 


This mandapa was provided with a good Cuddapa slab flooring. A big moon-stone of 9'S" 

in diameter is used at the entrance of the hall. A tub made of bricks is seen on the north-west 
corner outside the hall. 

Us) Site t<*o. 88 : It is located in Sector N- II near the eastern gateway of the citadel. 
Nearby structure is Senapathf memorial hall. This is attached to another 12-pillared mantfapa* 
The 16-pillared mandapa is enclosed by napa slabs, which are fixed in between the pillars vertically 
leaving an entrance on the western side, where there is a 12-pillared hall. This 
measures 33'9" x 2V3", whereas the adjoining 16-pillared mandapa was (12'9" x 22*1 1"), 
Traces of napa slab flooring are visible. 

iv) Site No. 114: This is located in Sector N-lll behind the rubble enclosure (Site 
No. 124) and a 4-winged mandapa (Site No. 110). This pillar is within a brick enclosure wall 
with an entrance on the east. There is again an outer enclosure wall of rubble. This manctapd 
is a square of 29'0 r '. The sixteen pillars are arranged in four rows having four pillars each* 

30-PiiIared Mandapa 

i) Site No. 55 : It is located in Sector S-XIX near a monastic unit (Site No* 54) on the 
northern and eastern sides. The enclosure wall of bricks is visible. The mandapa is a rectangular 
one 40'0" x 60'0". Traces of slab flooring are visible in the hall. No carvings are found. At a 
distance of 11 6W to the east of the pillared hall, a chamber of 26'0" x 18'0" with an entrance 
on the eastern side is found. 

On the northern side, of this structure, a rubble-packed path of 4'0" wide is passing, This 
was perhaps the remnant of an ancient road, that passed through the site, 

36-Pilfared Mandapas 

i) Site No, 81 : It is located in Sector S-XXX-A on the river-bank. The mandapa Is -a 

square structure of 54'6", The pillars are arranged in six rows each, Enclosure wall is mm 
only on the eastern and southern sides. 

H) Site No, 111 : It is located in Sector [Si-Ill, near the habitation represented by Silt 
No. 112. The mandapa was a square structure of 52'6". Traces of brick enclosure wall are visible' 
The height of the pillars available is 8'10" above the ground level. Minor carvings Jfce toVui 

medallion are v,s.ble on the .pillars,. For -each pillar in the hall a square pedestal of^ was 
constructed for support. wa 

A.H.R.S. Vol. 38 ft. IV 


40-PiIiared Mandapa 

i) Site No. 18 : This is located in Sector S-VII opposite to the stadium. It is a rectangular 
structure of 19'0" x 31 '0". There is no enclosure wall. The pillars are arranged in four rows of 
ton each. No complete pillar is available. Probable height of the pillar is 9'0". The pillars are 
vvithout carvings. Traces of a slab flooring are visible. Remnants of a rubble wall on the northern 
slcie are visible, probably meant for obstructing the on rush of water from the slope of the hill on 

the northern side. 


The climate of Nagarjunakonda could not have been very much different from what it is to- 
day, in view of the extreme heat prevailing, it became imperative for people to have adequate 
provisions for water-supply at all times of the day. There was no paucity of water-supply and the 
rl\/er with its perennial flow seems to have been exploited to the maximum degree for this purpose. 
All along the river, platforms were built with beautifully ornamented flights of steps for 
easy access and the use of all while the richer citizens of the city and the nobility seem 
to have had special bathing arrangements in their own dwelling places similar to those 
that were used in contemporary Rome. Representation of a man standing in a tub or masonry 
oistern, holding a hanging rope from above with both the hands and being bathed by servants 
who pour water with pitchers on his body is one of the sculptures at Nagarjunakonda, which 
botrays the typical system that might have been in vogue during the early centuries of the Christian 

All over the residential or habitational sites at Nagarjunakonda, numerous masonry cisterns, 
t>iQ and small, with ornamented steps and benches with smooth floors were exposed to view. Their 
sizes and mode of construction and location in the houses are indicative of their use for storing 
water brought from outside. One is tempted to identify some of them as baths, public and private. 
Some of these are elaborately worked out, while others are utilitarian. 

Such water cisterns and reservoirs are distributed all over the valley, in the citadel area, 
residential quarters and public mandapas or rest-houses at the crossing of roads. A huge 
rectangular or square with a depth of 3 to 4 feat is found usually in such places where the 
people were residing in groups, such as, the barracks area and vihara etc. How exactly they were 
using it is not clear though presence of stepped approach, sometimes fitted with doors, indicate 
that the people were getting in and out of them either to bathe in the tank or to fetch out water for 
use. In most cases, these, tanks seem to have been filled up by human labour alone and some of 
the small square tub-like structures which are without flooring might have been wells. In the 
e rea near the river, sub-soil water column is at a comparatively higher level Many of these tanks 
wore provided with outlets to drain out the dirty water. But there is one instance where the tank 
vvas evidently fed by the nearby river by some sort of a siphon method.. One interesting fact is thf 



presence of broad, paved platforms in sites like 102. This strengthens the belief that they were 
used for bathing by many persons at a time 

We can visualise that special water-carriers should have been put on the job of filling up 
these tanks and tubs at various places, particualrly those in the citadal. Morever, the presence of 
these in large numbers in the citadel area might also show that the people or the officials residing 
within the citadel were not normally using the river-side for a bath and that they were supplied 
with water in their own dwellings, 

These water-cisterns and tanks can be grouped as follows: 

1. Big rectangular or square tanks with three or four steps all round, used mostly for 
public bath, 

2. Big rectangular or square tanks without steps, which might have been used as water- 
reservoir for storage of water, evidently for animals. 

3. Smaller square structures used as wells and in some cases as merely dust-bins. 

The last item need not concern us here. But as regards others there is no differential distri- 
bution in these types. They occur in all the places, even side by side. But generally speaking, the 
big rectangular tanks with steps are found more in public places, where there was concentration 
of population. Simple rectangular tubs are found in private residences. We can now study the 
distribution of these site-wise. 

Site No. 100: One well-preserved example of this bath is illustrated in Site No. 100. 
This should have formed part of a huge palace complex but only the ruins of this bath disconnected 
from the main building have survived to-day, it comprises of an oblong masonry cistern with 
flight of steps and a slab paved channel through which the tub was fed, an elevated platform to its 
north for the men to sit and bathe, and a closed drain leading to a soak-pit beyond. This 
peculiar channel system with gradient towards the interior, its proximity to the river suggests the 
possibility of the builder providing some thing like our syphon method for feeding these bath tubs, 
while those who could not afford such elaborate arrangements used small tubs filled by manual 
labour for bathing purposes. Some of these tubs had coverings. Benches alround were also 
provided for people to sit comfortably and wash. 

This site contained four tubs in close proximity, the biggest of them being a long rectangular 
one 16 feet long and 5'8" wide. It was provided with steps on all sides. The flooring is done 
With napa slabs. Adjoining is a well-paved platform where the actual bath was taken. This tub 

A.H.R.S, Vol. 38 Pt. IV 


is connected to the soakage pit by a drain. Four feet away to the south, there are two more tubs 
side by side. One of them is 8'1" x 2'0" while another is 8'6"x3'0", both with napa-$\ab flooring. 
In the south-western corner 8 feet away, is a tub 6'6" x 3'0" and 10" deep, built in brick, But 
no evidence of inter-connection between these tanks are visible. This shows a fine hygienic 
method of bath, the water running from the water reserviors to the main tank where the bath was 
taken and later the water draining into a covered soakage pit. 

Site No. 94 : Within the citadel, opposite to the western gateway and south of the 
Asvamedha site, are traces of brick flooring at two places by the side of the brick-built wall, 7 feet 
thick. On both the sides of the wall at different places are seen square tub-like structures of 
brick. There are eight such square and two rectangular tanks or tubs. The latter two are about 
130 feet apart and measured 33'6" x 5'6" and depth 4'2", fed evidently by the adjoining well and 
24'3" x 5'0" depth 4'0", and well plastered. In the centre of the tub, there is a hole of 1 1" 
diameter Both have smaller and squarish structures by their side, probably wells. The other 
tubs are all smaller about 3'6/ square and they are distributed all over the area, some of them 
close to the wall and the flooring. Some of the smaller squares are without flooring and might 
have been used as wells. Some of the square tubs contained dumps of pottery, brick-bats etc,, 
and perhaps they were used as dust-bins. 

Site No. 102 : A fine example of a public bath is afforded by site No. 102, which was, 
situated at the foot of the Chinnakundelagutta on its north. There is a huge rectangular tub 35 
feet long and 4'6" broad. The natural bedrock was used as the bottom of the tub and hence, it is 
irregular. The whole tub is surrounded by a drain 10 inch wide and it runs round the adjacent 
platform on all sides and ultimately it falls through the north-west corner. It goes out as two 
drains side by side. 

On the eastern side of this tank, there is another lime-plastered tub provided with steps 
around it. It is about 27 feet long and 4'6" wide. 

These two tubs and the huge platform described above seem to be part of the building 
complex around the Chinnakundelagutta, where probably there was concentration of population. 

Within the rubble enclosure (site No. 95) containing many residential buildings on the 
north-western slope of the Peddakundellagutta hill, there is a rectangular tub with well-plastered 
walls and flooring. It is provided with steps on one side It is about 2'6" deep, 13'9" long and 
8'5" wide. This tub was evidently serving as a water-reservoir for washing purposes etc , for 

this area. 

R. Sybrahmanyam 


Another rectangular stepped tub of a smaller size is found at site No. 70-A. It measures 
7'6" x 5'0" x 2'6". It has lime-plastered walls and flooring. In a corner of this rectangular tub, 
there is a smaller tub, three feet square. 

. Another important place where numerous baths, big and small, are concentrated is the site 
No. 91, which is identified as the barracks area. There are about seven rectangular and ten smaller 
squarish tubs. One of them (Tub 8) is found in the corner of a room, evidently used as a private 
bath. It measures 5'9" x 4'6". Many of the rectangular tubs had a number of steps ranging from 
one to six, One of them had post-holes at the entrance evidently for the doorway. The measure- 
ments of the big rectangular tubs are ; 

Tub No 1 1 

Tub No, 4 

Tub No. 3 

Tub No. 6 

Tub No. 5 

Tub No. 2 

Tub No. 1 4 

22'3" x 4'6". 

18'0" x 10'9". Depth 4'4". This has steps alround with an entrance. 

1 6'6" x 5'0" One step alround and plastered flooring. 

15'6" x 5'0" Lime plastered flooring. 

13'0" x 4'9" With 4 steps alround and plastered flooring 

10'0" x 4'6" With 2 steps alround and well plastered flooring. 
TO" x 5'3" 

Bathing Ghat : (Site No. 124) : The most spectacular construction associated with public 
bath is the huge bathing ghat found to the west of the Pushpabhadrasvami temple. This massive 
structure measures 380'0" x 100'0". Major partion of this ghat is in a good state of preservation. 
The ghat consists of nine terraces and a flight of steps leading to the river Krishna with four stair- 
cases from the river side. These stair-cases that consist about 5 to 7 steps each, are, all 
balustraded and the ornamentation over the balustrades is uniformly makara. An equal distance 
of 50'0" is maintained between all the main stair-cases and this ghat as a whole is designed 
geometrically and symmetry is maintained throughout. The core of ihe ghat is built of brick in lime 
and is securely lined with Cuddapah slabs, perhaps for preserving it from the on-rush of waters. 

The flight of steps with ornate balustrade constructed systematically vary in measurements 
from 4.3" to 4.8" in length, to 1.11 " in width and 3" to 4" in thickness. 

As the excavation would reveal, there appears to be two stages of construction in 
this bathing ghat. The portion which is found in tact perhaps belongs to the first stage of 
construction and might have been used by the royalty. The latter part was perhaps constructed 
for the usage of the commoner. In this case, the construction was simple and no decoration could 
be seen on the balustrades of the steps provided here. 

A.H.R.S, vol. -si Pt.iv 


Since the construction of this bathing ghat is made on the river bank, it has been subjected 
to the constant inundations and as such its stratigraphy could not help us much in dating the bathing 
ghat. But interestingly, some of the Cuddapah slabs of this ghat bear inscriptions in early Brahmi 
Characters, which help us in dating the structure. They read 'Asala', 'Perana', 'Venisiri', all perhaps 
names of the guilds that operated in the construction of this magnificent structure. The script is 
Brahmi and typical of the Ikshvsku period characters datable to 2nd-3rd centuries A.D. The 
evidence of this epigraphical data with the occurence of polished red-ware sprinklers has made it 
possible to assign the structure to that of the Ikshvaku period. The masons' marks as, bow and 
arrow, swastika and elephant on the Cuddapah slabs of the terraces of this ghat, also corroborate 
the above surmise. Its location in the immediate proximity of the temple of Pushpabhadra indicates 
its constant use by pilgrims who visited the shrine, 

The slabs used in the construction vary in measurements from 3'0" to 7'0" ir length and 
2'10" to 3'10" in breadth, while the thickness varies from 3" to 4". The difference in level between 
the successive terraces is approximately 1 .5". 

Measurements of the flight of steps and of the Cuddapah slabs used in the different terraces 
of the bathing ghat from the river-side towards Pushpabhadrasvami temple : 

Slab measurement Length Breadth Thickness 

1st terrace 6'6" 2'10" 3'4" 

2nd do 12'9" 2'11" 3'5" 

3rd do 4'11" 2'8" 3'5 

4th do 6'4" 2'11" 3'5 

5th do 9'1" 3'1" 3'0 

6th do 3'7" 2'10" 3'0 

7th do 13'10" 2'11' r 3'5 

i > 


Breadth of the terraces :- 

2nd terrace ... 9'8" 

3rd do ... 10' 1/2 

4th do ... do 

5th do ... do 

6th do ... do 

7th do ... 10' 4.5 

R. Subrahmanyam 


Levels of the terraces : 

Level between one and two ... 1' 5'5' 

two and three ... T 1'5' 

three and four ... V 0'5' 

four and five ... 1' Q'5' 

five and six . V 0'5' 

six and seven ... V 07' 


tt it 

The Common Bath (Site No. 19): Another fine example of a public bath is provided by 
Site No. 19 behind the Hariti temple on the banks of the canal, it comprises of a big 
rectangular cistern measuring 20'0" x 8'0 /f and 3'0" deep with two steps going all rou 
It has a compound wall alround and perhaps had a co\/er. Only sockets, indicating the position 
the pillars over which the roofing was done, are extant to-day Though it was built of brick 
laid in mud, it was heavily plastered with lime and lined with Cuddaph slab. There is a brick 
square platform, where people sat before taking their bath is attached to this structure, There is a 
drain on the eastern wall to take out the used water. This bath was perhaps constructed hero to 
serve the needs of the people, who came to stay in the rest-house nearby. 

This structure has been subjected to wholesale renovation in the subsequent period. The 
bath was completely covered and the raised platform thus altered, was remodelled into a temple 
with a flight of steps and a moon-stone on the south. Another enclosure wall was added with the 
main entrance on the south and a secondary passage on the south, 

The circumstances that necessitated the closure of this bath and its remodelling into a 
temple are difficult to conjucture. Presumably, after the construction of the canal which passed 
by the rest-house, ;used by the inmates of the rest-house as well as the inhabitants of the 

locality, they might not have felt any need for a public bath at this spot and it was converted 
into a temple. 


The city of Vijayapuri being vast, all possible sources of water supply had to b@ exploited 
to provide this necessity to all the inmates of the capital. River Krishna, which is a per- 
ennial source of water has been utilised to the maximum extent for this purpose, Besides this 
canals were dug, tanks with earthern embankment wherever the natural features of the area 
permitted were constructed. In this task, the noblemen as well as the commoner took active part 
Excavation of wells and construction of tanks for public utility were considered as acts of great 

A.H.R.S. Vol. 38 Pt. IV 


merit. Numerous inscriptions of the period refer to Mahamatras, Srest/ns and kings with their 
consorts associating themselves with the construction of wells or tanks - tataka or vapi. The Ailuru 
Inscription registered along with other numerous gifts a tataka also while Abhsra Vasusena, who 
was responsible for the consecration of an image of Astabhuja in Nagarjunakonda area is credited 
with the excavation of a huge well on the fortified hill. 

As already pointed out, the people of Nagarjunakonda had tapped many sources for 
providing water supply to the town, both for domestic and for irrigation purposes. We have 
found evidences of an ancient canal which was dug on the eastern side of the valley between 
Sites No. 49 and 19. Earthen embankments, probably indicative of the ancient tanks or lakes 
were found, one to the west of the University area and two of them in sectors S-XIII and S-XIV 
at the foot of Eddanamotu, besides another in site No. 42. Weils are found in sites No. 57 and 
"73 and tanks in sites No. 64, 66 and 67. 

Canal . vestiges of a canal of the Skshvaku period have been exposed to a considerable 
extent in the south-eastern portion of the valley. It must have served as a substantial source of 
water for all the people living in this portion, which was far off from the river Krishna, In this 
portion, there were many establishments like the stadium (Site No. 17), the bath. Hariti temple, 
residential houses (Site No. 48) etc., all on the slopes and the foot of the Phirangimotu hill and 
the people living here were-served by this canal. This canal was found running between sectors 
S-V1II and S-VII in east-west direction. The water trickling down from the surrounding hills 
through the ravines or gullies was tapped and diverted into this channel by construction of rubble 
cross walls. The channel was about 30 feet wide and the water level in this channel must have 
been at least about five feet deep. The channel should have been used for irrigation purposes, as 
well as to feed the great bath (Site No. 19). With a view to get a full picture of this canal the 
area between the bath (Site No. 19) and pillared mandapa (Site No. 49) was excavated. This 
area showed depression and it was filled with sand which formed into a sort of long sand-strip 
along the length of the Phirangimotu. Trenches laid across this strip of depression at several 
places far removed from each other have brought to light thick random rubble embankment wails 
built on a good foundation of hard gravel on either side. The pit cut into the natural soil i.e, the 
bed of the channel, the raised embankments were all clearly traced. The bunds seem to have been 
raised to a height of about two feeta, covering of hard soil and gravel; over this the random 
rubble embankment was constructed. This channel after taking a number of turns and bends 
following the natural contour of slope facilitating quick and easy flow proceeded along the slope, 
probably conforming to the then surface levels, finally took a northerly course flowing along the 
foot of the hill for some distance, and finally emptied itself in the river Krishna. 

At many places, the layers sealing the embankment as well as the filling in the channel 
yielded typical Ikshvaku antiquities. Pottery of dull to medium red ware and red-slipped bowls 

R. Subrahmanyarn 


and dish types, conical bowls and carinated vessels typical of the Ikshvaku period were found. 
In close vicinity of this canal, an earthern pot full of fead coins of the Ikshvaku period was found. 
280 coins bore on the obverse the elephant with raised trunk and a legend and on the reverse the 
Ujjain symbol. Majority of these belong to the two kings of fkshvaku dynasty Siri Vira Purusha- 
datta and Ehuvala Chantamula. 

Tanks and Earthen Embankments : 

People of Nagarjunakonda did not allow the water coming from the nearby hills to go waste. 
They have built a number of small lakes or tanks with earthern embankments, in different parts of 
the city. Remnants of two such earthen embankments in a semi-circular fashion were found in 
sectors S-XIII (site No. 66) and S-XV on the southern fringe of the valley and the other was found 
opposite to the University area. Portions of these have disappeared due to ravages of nature and 
agricultural operations of the farmers in the course of centuries. The embankment is found to be 
of murram or red earth mixed with rubble, gravel etc. Though no datable evidence was found in 
these tanks, they probably belonged to the Ikshvaku period. 

The tank found near the University area Le,, on its western side is slightly bigger, its 

embankment walls were also of murram. Its location on the side of the canal indicates the 

possibility of its being fed by the channel already described. Long curved embankments of hard 
earth or murram are also found. 

Site No. 42: At the foot of Phirangimotu hill on the eastern side of site No. 28 (pillared 
hall) some vestiges of another embankment of rubble with a sluice and a drain are noticeable. 
A rubble wall 17 feet long in north-south direction is alone visible. A sluice or an outlet is provided 
in the form of a drain that runs in east-west direction. The width of the drain is i'3". This sluice 
in brick masonry is interesting and shows arrangement for regulating the out-flow of water. 

These tanks appear to have been mainly used for storing water for irrigation purposes. It is 
well-known that tanks used for irrigation were already popular in South India during the Megalithic 
period, since the megalithic tradition was also noticed at Nagarjunakonda. This practice of 
construction of irrigation tanks might have been a relic of megalithic culture. 

Apart from the kutcha earthen lake or tanks, there were brick built tanks as seen in sites 
No. 64 and 67, The former is. situated within the enclosure of the Yaksha temple. It is to the 
north of the temple. It is a perfect square structure of 97 feet with an 1 8 feet wide entrance on 
its south. This huge tank is an excavation into solid rock till the water colum was reached, On 
all the sides, the walls were built taking advantage of the solid rock, giving the needed offset to 
ensure stability to this structure, Five such offsets were noticed. Since it is a 'stepped' tank 
the main flight of steps, was built on the temple side and is about 18 feet in width. 

A.H.R.S. Vol. 38 Pt. IV 


Site No 67. In sector S-X11I towards the west of the earthen embankment (Site No. 66) 
already described) and on the bed of natural stream or rivulet is a tank about 30 feet square with 
an entrance on the eastern side, similar to the one in the Yaksha temple, was exposed to 
view. This is also of brick masonry, but built with thick Cuddapah slabs. The approach to the 
water is by means of a flight of steps, five in number and about three feet in width. Since this 
is connected to a residential building near by, it might have been a private well. 

Wells: Construction of wells - vapi - as has been mentioned already, was considered as an 
act of great merit. Numerous wells have been dug by the citizens of Vijayapuri, but the excavation 
which is naturally on a restricted nature, have revealed a few wells, big and small, in various 
parts of the city. We find circular and square or rectangular wells built of either coursed rubble or 
brick, generally associated with residential areas, temples and the citadel 


On the northern side of the Kartikeya temple (Site No. 82) near about the rows of cells, 
a brick-built well 20 feet square is found. It was dug to a depth of about 5 feet to 6 feet when 
water column was touched and further excavation was abandoned. 

Another well in good state of preservation was found in the brick pavilion near the river 
bank (Site No. 73). It is situated in the north-western comer of the pavilion abutting on the 
outer enclosure wall. It is an irregular circle or elliptical shape with its major axis 15'9" and the 
minor axis about 6'0". It is a rubble-built well, perhaps commonly used by the people in 
the pavilion and the adjacent residential buildings. 

Another elliptical well or tank is found in the Asthabhujasvami temple (site No. 29 ). 
It is a temple complex located at the foot of Sidduladari hill on the right bank of the river Krishna. 
These were the residential buildings for the priests on the south-west corner of the temple. 
This elliptical-shaped brick-built well has a major axis of 50 feet. The thickness of the well 
is three feet. This was excavated by the confederacy of Yavana rulers, who were responsible 
for the consecration of the image of Asthabhuja in the temple. 

An irregular circular coursed rubble well of 92 feet diameter is found in site No. 18- A, near 
the Hariti temple and the stadium, lined with Cuddapah slab. A similar one is found in site no. 23. 

A beautiful well of irregular square shape with 10 feet sides is found to the west of the 
Kartikeya temple (Site No.57). The walls of this well are about 1'6" in thickness. On the eastern 
side of the wall,. a flight of steps comprising 16 are noticed leading into the water. Some stone 
pillars and sculptures from the Kartikeya temple, and other Buddhist structures were found in 

R. Subrahmanyam 


the construction-indicating its renovation at a later date when the Buddhist monasteries were 
in ruins and Buddhism was no longer the favoured religion. 

Apart from these big wells, we find smaller squarish wells particularly in the citadel area in 
sites No. 91 and 94. They are about four feet square probably used for filling the water tubs and 
cisterns constructed nearby and to supply the needed water for the kitchen. 

A well of huge proportions is found on the Nagarjuna hill. About 160 feet in diameter, this 
well served as the only source of water supply to the garrison stationed in the fort on the hill top. 
It is about 80 feet deep and stands as a monumental example of the labour spent in such huge 
excavations in sheer rock. All round it had a retaining wall in brick masonry which seem to have 
fallen into the well. An Abhira inscription dated in the 30th regnal year of Vasusena refers to this 
excavation of a huge well (Vapisa Mahatada). 


Interesting details about sanitary arrangements at Nagarjunakonda are made available by the 
excavations and they constitute mainly a system of drainage provided both in private and public 
buildings. In many of the private residential houses excavated, the existence of drains apparently 
out of the bathrooms, is attested. As the houses were usually built within huge enclosure walls in 
Nagarjunakonda, we often find drains from private houses joining a common drain, which drained 
off the dirty water from the outer enclosure wall. Site No. 73 is a case in point. Here, we find a 
huge kutcha drain (4'6" wide) into which smaller drains come and join and the water finally is led 
outside the enclosure wall. The actual length of the katcha drain is 226 feet in north-south 

Besides residentaial areas of common people, we find well-provided drains in viharas, 
stupas, public places like arena, rangamandapa, citadel area, and temples (like Kubera temple, 
Navagraha temple) etc. Care was taken to see that rain water was not allowed to stagnate 
around the buildings. For this, a number of small outlets or spouts were provided as in Site No. 
91. In this site, three outlets were provided on the three sides of the outer enclosure wall. Similar 
spouts are in the monastic unit at Site No. 2. 

While there were katcha drains simply dug into the earth in Nagarjunakonda as they are 
to-day 'in Andhra Pradesh, well-provided pucca drains were quite common. We find both open 
and covered drains in the valley. The normal width of the pucca drains seems to have been 
about 10 to 12 inches. 

A.H.R.S. Vol. 38 Pt. IV 


One outstanding example of the hygienic system of drainage and the soakage pit at 
Nagarjunakonda is seen in the University area (Site No, 32-A). On the north-east corner of 
'Sobhana Vihara', there is a rectangular room from where a drain starts and runs across the 
enclosure wail on the east to fall into a soak-pit or sceptic tank, which is situated 15 feet away 
from the outer enclosure. The width of the drain is six inches. This drain is covered throughout 
with napa-s\abs. The soak-pit is roughly oval-shaped and is filled with rubble, lime and coal in 
successive layers to serve as filtering agents. There were two more soak-pits in the University 
area-one on the eastern wing of the University and the other on the southern wing. The former 
is/oughly 4'6" square while the latter is 12'0" square. Both are covered with rubble-packing. The 
drains in both the cases were well-plastered and covered with /?c?pa-slabs. They connected the 
bath-rooms and the soak-pit. 

In Site No, 79 in a monastery, we have an instance of a drain having ^apa-slabs for flooring 
and side-walls. Bricks are not used except as side-support, This drain was provided to take 
out the water coming from the bath-room situated on the south-west corner of the monastery. 

The dexterity in constructing the drains is well brought out in Site No. 93 i e., the 
aswamedha site within the citadel, The drain starts from the north-west corner of the avabhrita 
tank and runs towards the west After a distance of about 21 feet fhe drain branches off into 
two channels and they run side by side. Both the drains cut across the brick enclosure wall of the 
citadel by running underground and empty into the river Krishna which is close by. This drain had 
a uniform width of 9 inches. The drains were completely covered and plastered. Brick-flooring 
was provided throughout. One noteworthy feature about this drain is that in places where the 
drain took a turn, a small rectangular cistern (30" x 15" x 12") was built evidently to allow the 
water to collect and to gain momentum, for further flow. Three such cisterns in the main drain 
were noticed. 

An example of the drainage in the residential quarters is provided by the Site No. 89-A, 
where from one of the rooms of the houses, we find a drain going out. It is provided with brick- 
flooring and napd slabs are used for the sides. It is an open drain without any cover. 

. Subrahmanydffi 


C. Poornachand 

The pillars are the principal features of the temple interior. If the height and grandeur of 
the garbhagrfha, antarafa and the v/mana of a temple depend upon the upap/tha and adhishthana 
the loftiness and the beauty of the mukhamandapa, sabha-mandapa, kalyana-mandapa, natya- 
mandapa etc, depend upon its pillars. It has been rightly suggested by Percy Brown that the 
proportions of the various architectural indices of the temple unit mainly revolves round the height 
of the shaft of the pillar which in its turn depends upon the length of the stone that was economi- 
cally possible to extract from the quarry x Besides, the pillars will give not only depth to the 
interior of the temple itself, but also provide ample scope and space for the sculptors to carve 
various designs and motifs on these pillars. Mention may be made here that on of the prettiest 
parts of a temple interior is the central ceiling which envelopes the central bay of the sabha-mandpa, 
and natyamandapa or kalyana-mandapa. The plan, size, shape and the beauty of it depends very 
much upon the inter-cplumniation of the pillars. The Vijayanagara temples display a bewildering 
variety of pillars. They are classified into different types and some of them are discussed in the 
following pages, 

Type ! 

In general modelling and designing this type of pillar bears a very close resemblance to 
later Chalukyan pillars. Before going to discuss the later Chalukyan influence over the Vijayangara 
pillars of this type, let us first state in brief their general shape and the component parts. The 
base, shaft, circular projecting member, abacus and the corbel or the bracket are the principal 
parts of this piliar. It should be noted here that the later Chalukyan pillars are not monolithic 
ones but are composed with the above referred independent segments. The base or the asvapadam 
is normally square in shape. The shaft, which forms the very core of the pillar, is a monolithic 
block of octagonal, square and a circular sloping top section. The shaft is surmounted by a circular 
projecting member which in its turn is succeeded by an abacus and four-square bracket. Examples 
of this type of pillars are found in plenty in later Chalukyan, Eastern Chalukyan, Kadamba, and the 
Kakatiya temples 2 . The pillars of this type are found in the early and later Vijayanagara temples 

1. P. Brown, Indian Architecture (Buddhist and Hindu periods) Bombay, 1956, p, 154. 

2, ML R. K. Sarma, Temples of Telangana, The Architecture, Iconography and sculpture of the 
Chalukyan and Kakatiya Temples. Hyderabad, 1972, Pis. 18, 29, 30, 31, 33; M. Rama Rao, 
Eastern Chalukyan Temples of Andhra Desa, Figs. 22, 27; 30, 34, 35; Indian Archaeology - 
A Review, 1969-70, p. 87; A. Rea, Chalukyan Architecture, P). IJI, 


and they clearly show how the Vijayanagara architects were influenced by the later Chalukyan 
architectural and art traditions. However, the pillars of this type may be divided into various types 
by taking into consideration the general shape, size, and the various art-motifs that are employed 
to make them attractive and pleasing. 

(a) This variety of the above referred type of pillar is found in the mandapa located 
adjacent to the natya-mandapa of the Virabhadrasvami temple at Lepakshi (PI. 1). This has, as 
usual, the base, the shaft, circular-wheel-Iike moulding, abacus and the bracket - all independent 
and separate segments. The base or the asvapadam has two plain pattikas with a gala cut into 
square compartments in between them. The lower and upper pattikas are connected with a 
square block of stone arranged vertically on the four central facing sides of the base The lower 
rectangular prism-like portion of the shaft has ornamental triangular projections with floral 
motifs on the top at its four corners. This is succeded by an octagonal section which is normally 
achieved by bevelling the edges. The flutes of this section are arranged vertically and horizontally. 
Harmonious fusion of vertical and horizontal patterns which is the hall-mark of the later Chalukyan 
pillars, particularly in this octagonal section, is maintained intact by the Vijayanagara sculptors. 
The octagonal section is succeeded by the central square block. It is observed that in the present 
example the lower rectangular section and the central square block are adorned with sculptures of 
bewildering variety. The top portion of this central square block or that portion which represents 
the transition from the shaft to the circular moulding looks like a vase. It has a fluted lower section 
followed by a set of three polygonal rimmed bands. The shaft is surmounted by a circular 
moulding and the abacus. The circular member is considerably thick and less projected. The 
lower section of the abacus has a couple of circular bands, expanding in size as they go up. There 
is a broad phalaka or platform on the top of the abacus to receive the bracket. A pillar of this type 
with little variations is found in the sabha-mandapa of a temple located very near to the 
Chennakesava temple at Sompalem. In this case the top pattika of the base has kudu motifs. The 
same ornamental kudu motifs are also found on the top section of the shaft. Further the under 
surface of the phalaka of the abacus has semi-circular and triangular elevations (PL 2). In all these 
cases the pillars are surmounted by the characteristic Vijayanagara floral corbels. 

(b) This variety of pillars are found in the Trikutesvara temple at Pushpagiri and the Hazara 
Rama temple at Hampi (PI. 3). The Pushpagiri example has four indendent segments instead of 
five. In this case the abacus is conspicuous by Its absence. The base of this pillar is decorated 
with two plain pattikas and a plain gala in between them. The lower rectangular block and the 
central square block of the shaft are severely plain, The octagonal section of the shaft is nearly 
two feet in height and has decorative plain bands in the centre of it. The top section of the shaft 
which Is circular in section has kudu motifs on its four central sides. The circuIar-wheeMike 
moulding of this pillar is niether prominent nor bold nor projected. The other variety of this type 

pillars are noticed under the roof of the mukha -mandapa of the Hazara Rama temple at Hampi 

. Vol.38 Pt. IV 


(PI. 4). In this case all the principal parts of the pillar, viz. base, shaft, circular moulding, abacus 
and the bracket are present. The basal mouldings of this pillar slightly deviates from the former. 
The base has two plain patt/kas and a gala. But there is a rectangular block on the centre of all the 
four sides connecting the lower and upper mouldings. Further, a series of miniature kudu motifs 
are noticed on the facing side of the upper pattfka of the asvapadam. The lower rectangular and 
the central square blocks of the shaft are decorated with floral medallions and figure sculptures. 
The corner edges of the lower rectangular prism-like section of the shaft have cyma-recta 
terminations. The transition from the shaft to the wheel-like moulding is circular in section and 
formed with a series of concentric circular bands of diminishing size, In this example the circular 
moulding which is placed below the abacus is very thin, neatly designed and projected considerably 
This circular member in many a way, tallies with the same section that is found in the later 
Chalukyan pillars, The corner edges of the phalaka of the abacus has triangular projections (PI. 4) . 
The corbels or brackets that are found on these two types of pillars are of Chola type. 

(c) This variety of pillars are found in the sabha-mandapa of the Trikutesvara temple at 
Pushpagiri (P!s. 5, 6). Similar type of pillars are also noticed in the sabha-rrandapa of a temple 
situated very near to the Rudrapada temple at Pushpagiri, in the western gateway of the 
Tripurantakesvara temple at Tripurantakam and in several temples and detached rnandapas that 
are erected on a slopy hillock near Virupaksha temple at Hampi. These pillars exhibit considerable 
refinement, balanced ornamentation and supremely pleasing appearance. In this connection 
two pillars that are found in the sabha-mantapa of the Trikutesvara temple at Pushpagiri have 
been taken for a comparative study. The pillars that are found under the caves are devoid of 
figure sculptures (PI. 6). The rectangular and the square blocks of the shaft are plain. The 
section that intervenes between the two plain blocks of the shaft has vertical flutes and on the 
centre of these flutes runs a plain and horizontal octagonal band. The circular sloping section 
which is found on the summit of the shaft has a very meticulously designed simhalalata-kudu. 
The central circular cavity of this kudu motif is empty. The wheel-like moulding and the 
abacus also exhibit considerable advancement in modelling and designing. It should be noted 
here that the central four pillars in the same sabha-mandapa of the Trikutesvara temple exhibit 
further advancement. In these pillars the base, the octagonal section and the top of the shaft 
have received special treatment at the hands of the sculptors. The base is decorated not only 
with patt/kas but also with the padma mouldings and highly pleasing chaitya or kudu motifs. 
Further, the gala section of the base has seated vyalas carved with great care, skill and 
imagination. The octagonal section is divided into three bands and each band is again sub- 
divided into rectangular compartments. These compartments are filled with the sculptures of 
gods and goddesses. Similarly the circular sloping top of the shaft is also provided with 
charmingly designed kudu motifs with sfmhalalata gables Inside these kudus are sculptured 
gods and goddesses in various postures and positions . (PL 5), The most interesting part of 
these pillars is that the lower rectangular and the ( central square blocks of the $haft 

C. Poornachand 


of any decorative motifs. It was done probably with ^the intention of maintaining a dramatic 
contrast between the sculptured and the ornamental bands with that of the plain rectangular and 
square blocks. 

(d) This variety is represented by the four central pillars placed in front of the Devi shrine 
in the Venkataramana temple at Tadiparti (PL 7). The Vijayanagara sculptors' mastery over the 
art of the modelling and designing the pillars reached its highest water-mark in these pillars. 
Though the general shape of these pillars, as in the case of the above types, is very closely akin 
to the later Chalukyan pillars, they exhibit certain remarkable changes in designing and ornamen- 
tation. The base of these pillars is square on plan but decorated with graduated projections. The 
topmost moulding of the base has a series of delicately chiselled chaftya kudus. The shaft of 
the pillar has two rectangular blocks intervened by an octagonal section between them. The 
ornamental motifs that are employed for the decoration of the shaft deserves a special mention 
here. The lower rectangular section of the shaft has a tri-tala Dravidian miniature spire on all 
its sides. A miniature deva-koshtha, housing a drummer in the central section, is found on the 
lower section of this motif. This is surmounted by a stambh/ka-vimana ornamental design. The 
stambhfka is shown cutting across the horizontal and vertical mouldings of the octagonal section. 
It is canopied by a four-storeyed miniature Dravidian spire, the domical final of which is shown 
terminating exactly at the summit of the shaft. The circular-wheel-like moulding of this pillar is 
devoid of any ornamental motifs whereas the lower section of the abacus is in the form of a full 
blown lotus. The corners of the lower section of the phafaka of the abacus are adorned with 
lotus buds (PL .7). 

It may be stated here that though the Vijayanagara pillars so far discussed follow in main 
the later Chalukyan pillars in general design and shape they differ from the latter in certain 
aspects. In the first placa they, are, not over-loaded with ornamental motifs and figure sculptures. 
Secondly, the circular or wheel-like member which is placed in between the abacus and the shaft 
shows marked deviation from the later Chalukyan models. In the later Chalukyan, the Hoyasala 
and the Kakatiya pillars exquisitely designed decorative motifs, rows of kirtfmukhas, hamsas, 
dancing female figures, etc. are profusely used to decorate this member. 3 Further, it is as shown, 
thin, sharp edged and projecting considerably from the neck of the shaft. All these features are 
conspicuously absent in the pillars that are under our study. Further in the later Chalukyan pillars 
the central section of the shaft is shown either square or in the form of an inverted bell.* The 
inverted bell shaped member is wanting in the Vijayanagara pillars. Besides in one instance three 

3. M.R'.K. Sarma,;Op Git., Pis. 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 49 ; A. Rea, Chalukyan Architecture, Pis. Ill, 
XXX, XLVII; Marg. Vol. XXXI, No. .1, Pis. 17, 18. 

4. A. Rea, Op-Cit; Pis. Ill XXX, XtVIJ. 

A.HJR.S. Vol. 38 Pt. IV 


Square blocks are arranged at regular intervals in the shaft of a pillar, This tendency is very well 
illustrated by the pillars that are supporting the super structure of the sabha-mandapa of the 
Hazara Rama temple at Hampi 5 . This feature is seldom observed in the later Chalukyan pillars. 


This type of pillar is generally square in shape. Several varieties of this pillar are noticed 
in the temples under our consideration. 

(a) An example of this variety is found in the natya-mandapa of the Virabhadrasvami 
temple at Lepakshi (PL 8). It is square in shape and design. It has a base, shaft and four-square 
bracket - all independent segments. The base is adorned with two plain pattlkas and a gala in 
between them. A central square block connecting the pattika is found on all the facing sides of 
the base. The shaft has three square blocks intervened by two octagonal sections. The top corner 
edges of the lower square member are decorated with cyma-reverse terminations. The octagonal 
sections not only have vertical flutes but plso horizontal octagonal bands. Beautiful sculptures are 
carved on all the four sides of the square blocks. The shaft is surmounted by a bracket having 
Chola corbels. The pillar is nearly sixteen feet in height pleasingly proportioned and has graceful 
appearance. The pillars that are found in a dilapidated mandapa in the Vitthala temple at Hampi 
also illustrate this type of pillar 6 . 

The pillars having square shafts, but deviating from the above referred type, are found in the 
Virabhadrasvami temple at Lepakshi. In the first variety it is square in shape, from the base to the 
top. The most interesting feature of this pillar is that the shaft is decorated with stambhfka-prasada 
motif. It should be noted here that generally a vfmana model is shown represented on the 
summit of a stambhika. In this case a miniature temple is shown on the top of an ornamental 
pilaster. The whole ornamental motif is shown carried away by a dwarfish gana represented at 
the base of the pilaster (PL 9). The second variety of pillar is found in the natya-mandapa of the 
Virabhadrasvami temple at Lepakshi (PL 10). In this case the shaft has two rectangular and one 
square block and these are intervened by two octagonal sections. The shaft is decorated with 
figure sculptures hamsas and floral motifs. The pillar is surmounted by the Vijayanagara floral 

A very interesting variety of this type is found in a mandapa located outside the main temple 
and to the north of l\\e gopura-dvara of the Chennakesava temple at Sompalem (PL 11). It has 
a monolithic shaft, square through out, and the surmounting bracket The sides of the base of 

5. R. N. Salctorc. Vijayanagara Art, Delhi, 1982, PL 72. 

6. 1 have surveyed th Vitthala temple at Hampi 12th March 1981. 

C. Poornachand 


this pillar are decorated with a vase and foliage motif, pattlkas and four petaled lotus flowers. 
It is very interesting to note that a dwarfish gana in the act of bhara-vahika is carved in the 
middle of the inner sides of the shaft A miniature dvi~tala Dravidian model spire is carved on 
the summit and immediately below the roll corbel. The most interesting feature of this pillar is 
the representation of a life-size female figure holding a purna-kumbha in her hands on the lower 
part of the shaft. She is shown standing on a projected and pleasingly modelled pedestal The 
structural pilasters that are arranged on either extreme ends of this mandapa also have square 
shafts and stambhika-vimana models. But on the lower sections of the shafts of these pilasters 
are found male figures instead of female figures. The dress, the high conical caps, the posture 
and the ornaments worn by these male figures unmistakably represent that they were either the 
donors of the temple or some dignitaries of the state. 

A more refined and intricately designed pillars of the variety are found under this massive 
roll cornice of the mukhamandapa of the Venkataramana temple at Tadiparti (Pis. 12,13). The 
base or the asvapadam of this pillar has graduated projections and recesses. Rectangular blocks 
of stone, having meandering floral patterns are arranged on the central facing sides of the base. 
Graceful female figures holding purna-kumbhas in their hands and stambhika-vfmana models are 
carved on the lower sections of the shaft. These stambha-puttalikas are surmounted by the most 
marvellously chiselled abacus and floral corbels. The pushpa-bodfga, the vyatas with riders 
and the dwarfish ganas as bhara-vahfkas are superbly designed and executed. This variety of 
pillars exhibit the peerless imagination and skill of the Vijayanagara sculptors in designing, 
decorating and above all in the dexterity of handling prick and chisel. 

(c) This variety is supposed to be the finest one. It is characterised by matchless modelling, 
designing, ornamentation and in displaying the architectural motifs. The most remarkable feature 
of this pillar is that the entire shaft and the floral corbel are carved on a monolithic stone. The 
best example of this type is found in the entrance mandapa of the gopura-dvara of the Chenna- 
kesava temple ot Millampalli (PL 14). Every inch of the shaft of this pillar is adorned with 
architectural and ornamental members. The lower and the upper sections of the shaft is occupied 
by a -miniature temple having 'a dvi-tala Dravidian vlmana. It is shown that the adhlshthana of 
the temple is supported by a row of dwarfish ganas in the role of bhara-vahikas. The pabhaga or 
the wall proper, the kapota or the cornice and the vlmana of the temple are beautifully carved. 
Wying gandhanas and the mythical vyatas are shown on either side of the sfkhara. The most 
important and the unique feature of this temple model lies in the representation of a long flight of 
steps that lead into the interior of the temple itself. The Vijayanagara sculptors to give an illusion 
of depth and a touch of naturalism to the whole composition represented a couple of pilgrims 
crossing the steps with the avowed object of reaching the holy of holies in the sanctum 

A.H.R.S. Vol. 38 Pt. VI 


(d) The pillars of this variety are found in the unfinished kalyana-mandapa of the 
Virabhadrasvami temple at Lepakshi (PI. 15). in this example the pillar has a monolithic shaft and 
four-armed floral corbel at the summit. The base has two pattikas and a gala. The top most 
pattika has a series of kudu motifs The shaft has three square blocks and the intervening sections 
are circular in shape but decorated with vertical lines and floral motifs. A slight variation of this 
type is noticed in a pillar located very near to the above referred variety. In this case the shaft has 
two square blocks, one immediately above the base and the other on the top of the shaft. The 
intervening portion is fluted, save a circular floral band in the centre. The shaft is surmounted by a. 
two- armed floral corbel (PI. 15 right extreme pillar). 

(e) Another interesting variety of this type is found in a mandapa located to the south of 
the main shrine of the Venkataramana temple at Tadiparti. It has a monolithic shaft, square in 
section, and surmounted by a floral corbel of the Vijayanagara type. The interesting feature of this 
variety of pillar is that the shaft is divided into three zones and these zones are separated by square 
bands. Every zone has four highly ornamental niches on its four sides. Every niche has two 
pilasters on either side canopied by a tri-forum floral arch. This variety of pillars are seldom 
found in the Vijayanagara temples (PI 16 pillar located on the extreme left side). 

Type HI 

The pillars of this type are either square or circular in shape but decorated with vertical fluted 
bands. Three varieties of this type are noticed in the temples under our consideration. 

(a) This variety is found in one of the mandapas of the Venkataramana temple at Tadiparti, 
The shaft is a combination of square and circular sections. The lower portion of it, up to five feet 
is square and the succeeding upper portion is circular. The entire shaft is decorated with square 
and circular bands at regular intervals. These bands are either adorned with kudu motifs or floral 
designs. Deeply chanelled vertical fluted bands are shown round the entire shaft (PI. 16 pillar 
located on the extreme right side). 

(b) Examples of this variety of pillar are found adjacent to the above referred one and in 
the Venkataramana temple at Tadiparti. In this example the shaft is square in shape and has narrow 
and broad horizontal bands. The entire shaft is adorned with vertical fluted patterns (PI. 16.) 

(c) This is a very interesting variety, found in a mandapa located to the north of the 
gopura-dvara of the Chennakesava temple at Sompalem. The pillar is circular in section 
and has vertical flutes. The base, the central and the top sections of this pillar are decorated witb 
horizontal bands,, strictly in accordance with the vertical flutes of the shaft (PI.17). 

.0 Poornachand 


(d.) This variety of pillar is found in ibekalyana-mandapa of the Chennakesava temple at 
Sompalenrt. The shaft is circular and adorned with shallow vertical bands. A square block is 
arranged on the top of the shaft. The most significan part of the pillar is that of the lower section 
of the shaft. Acouchant lion is shown on an ornamental pedestal (PL 18). It may be stated here 
that the pillars in the maha-mandapa of the Madhavaraya temple at Gorantla has a massive lion 
seated on an elephant serving the purpose of a shaft 7 . A seated lion at the base of a pillar is 
a common feature in the Pallava rock-cut mandapas, rathas and the structural temples 8 . It is 
likely that the above referred examples of pillars reflect the surviving remnants of the Pallava 

Type IV 

Examples of this type of pillars are found in the natyamandapa of the Virabhadrasvami 
temple at Lepakshi (PI 19), and in the kalyana-mandapa of the^Chennakesava temple at Sompalem, 
the Vitthala temple at Hampi and Govindarajasvami temple at Tsrupati. The asvapadam of this type 
of pillar is decorated with a padma-pat/ka, gala, tr/patta alfngana-pattika having a couple of kudu 
motifs on each side. The shaft is polygonal in section and surmounted by the characteristic 
'Vijayanagara floral bracket. The most interseting and impressive feature of this type of pillar is 
that of the architectural decorative motifs carved on the shaft. A series of sala and kuta-koshthas 
carved in high relief, are arranged both vertically and horizontally in every inch of the shaft. 
It is observed that sala-sikharas standing on long and slender stambhfkas represent vertical 
pattern whereas the kuta-koshthas of miniature size represent horizontally. The Vijayanagara 
architects used this variety of pillar very sparingly and it is found only in the centre of the kafyana- 
mndapas or natya mandapas or pillared pavilions. They are invariably shown in the company of 
the other types of pillars, apparently to maintain a dramatic contrast. 

Type V 

This type of pillar has a pillaretor pillarets forming the main shaft Examples of this type are 
found in plenty in the : Vijayanagara temples under our study. A careful examination of this type 
of pillar would enable us to divide it into two types as follows. 

(a) In this variety the main shaft of the pillar is divided into three rectangular zones of 

"Which the lower one is higher than the rest. The upper and the lower corner edges of these 

iBctangular- blocks -are -adorned either with floral terminations or with charmingly designed lotus 

feuds, Octagonal sections are 'introduced in between these rectangular blocks. Seated sardulas 

,arid human figures in. different positions and postures are sculpted on the shaft. On one side of 

7. V. Kameswara Rao, Select Vijayanagara Temples of Rayalaseema, Hyderabad, 1976, PI. IV. 

'<8.' P. Brown. Op. Gil., Pis,.LlX, 2; LXII, 1. ' : .'' - . ' 

A.H.R.S. Vol. 38 Pt. IV 


ih3 shaft, preferably on the front side, a pillaret is shown projecting from the main shaft. It has a 
seated lion at the base. The lower section of this pillaret is square in shape whereas the upper Is 
polygonal in section. It is surmounted by an abacus and finally by the floral corbel. The most 
important feature of this variety of pillar which deserves our attention is that the pilSaret Is 
not an independent or detachable segment, but formed a part and parcel of the monolithic 
shaft of the main pillar. The best example of this variety is standing on a dilapidated 
adhlshthana of a mandapa in the Achyutaraya temple at Hampi (PI, 20). Another example of this 
type of pillar where the decorative art of the Vijayanagara period reached its dazzling pinnacle of 
perfection is lying pathetically in the midst of a heap of ruins, very near to the Patalesvara 
temple at Srisailam (PL 21 ). The master sculptor's chisel touched every inch of this pillar. In 
general shape and design this pillar is very closely akin to the above referred example. The pillaret 
and the main shaft of the pillar share a common base which has plain and ornamental bands of 
graduated projections and recesses. The shaft of the main pillar which is massive in size has eight 
horizontal bands representing saia-koshthas intervened by a pattika having a series of miniature 
kudu motifs. The pillaret which projects from the main shaft of the pillar is again a marvell in the 
decorative art of the Vijayanagara period. It is surmounted by an abacus having a phalaka 
(platform) above and a full blown lotus-Sske section below. On the top of the phalaka is arranged 
the floral lateral bracket and the figure of a god. He is standing with the right leg firmly planted 
on the ground while the left is raised up and folded at the knee. His right hand is kept in 
katyavalambita pose and the left hand is in the act of lifting the top section of the pillar the capital 
mouldings. The space in between the pillaret and the main shaft is filled with an exquisitely 
carved meandering floral creeper of rare beauty and charm. 

(b) This variety of pillars are found in abundance in the pillared corridors that are arranged 
either on the inner or outer sides of th&prakara walls. In this variety the pillaret is shown 
detached and not attached from the main shaft of the pillar. A couchant lion or vyala is shown 
invariably at the base and it looks as if the animal is actually carrying the weight of the pillaret 
placed either on its head or back. Excellent examples of this variety are found in the pillared 
corridors of the Virabhadrasvami temple at Lepakshi, Ach/utaraya temple at Hampi, and 
Venkatesvara temple at Tirumala, etc. 9 (Pis. 22, 23, 24). 

It is of absorbing interest to note here that in one of the pillars found in the Virabhadrasvami 
temple at Lepakshi, the pillaret is shown resting right on the head of a seated human figure 
(PL22). Examples of this type are seldom found in the temples under our survey. It should be 
noted here that the pillars of this variety have only one pillaret projecting from the main shaft 
A very interesting variety of this type is noticed in the T/rumalaraya-mandapa of the Venkatesvara 

9. Itihas, Vol. VIII, No, 1, PL IX. 
C. Poornachand 


temple at Tirumala 10 . In this example a vya/a with a rider is shown standing on the top of the 
abacus of the pillaret. A couchant elephant with upraised trunk is shown serving the purpose of a* 
base to the above referred vyafa. In the next stage of the evolution of this type of pillar a number 
of pillarets projecting from the main shaft have increased. Pillars having pillarets ranging from 
four to twelve are found in the Vijayanagara temples at Lepakshi, Tadiparti, Hampi, Sompalem, 
Tiruvannamali, Tirupati, and Mangapuram, etc. (Pis. 24, 25, 26). The famous musical pillars 
found in the natya-mandapa of the Vitthala temple at Hampi represent the final stage of the pillar- 
pillaret type of pillars (PL 27). 

Type VI 

This type of pillar, in general design, closely resembles the above referred pillar-pillaret 
type with one difference. In the pillar-pillaret type a slender and gracefully designed pillaret or 
pillarets are shown projecting from the main shaft. In this example, instead of a pillaret a fabulous 
vya/a standing on the back of a couchant elephant is shown projecting from the rectangular shaft 
of the pillar. In the early stages the Gaja-vyala motif is simply chiselled on the projecting slab 
of stone. In this case there is no attempt at carving in the round. A lovely example of this type 
is- noticed in the Sanfvara-mandapa of the Virabhadrasvami temple at Lepakshi (PI. 28), In the 
next stage, the Vijayanagara sculptors showed their ingenious imagination and superior skill 
in modelling and designing this type of pillar. The shaft of the pillar, as in the case of the 
earlier examples, is square and divided into three rectangular or square sections. It is ornamented 
with figure sculptures, -kumbha-panjara motifs, etc. The important feature of this variety, which 
is not noticed in the earlier type, is that the Gaja-vyala bracket is carved In the round and not 
carved in high-relief. The trunks of the elephant and the vyala are shown intertwined. Further 
these^animals are also provided with riders. The floral bracket which is placed on rhe top of the 
vyata's head is meticulously designed and intricately ornamented. Examples of this type are 
found in the natya-mandapa of the Virabhadrasvami temple at Lepakshi, the ka/yana-rm/utap*- 
of the Vitthala temple at Hampi, etc., (Pis. 24, ;9). The finest and the majestic representations 
of this type of pillar are found in the horse-court of the Srirangam temple. Here the vyafa are 
replaced by the life size horses standing on their hind legs. These horses are provided with 
riders above and warriors below. About these pillars K. M. Munshi observes: "A pair of 
rampant furious Corses, whose heads support the pillars are carved with great skill and vigour 
The riders are shown in realistic pose trying to control them, The fore- legs of one of them are 
placed on an arch under which stands a soldier with a woman sitting on his shoulders, Each- 
sculpture is realistic, though the conception is fantastic. The artists found fulfillment in bringing 
such conceptions into material shape 11 ". 

10. Ibid, PLX ,(b). 

11. K. M. Munshi. Indian Temple Sculpture, Calcutta; 1959/pl. 135, Notes, p. xi. 

A H.R.S. Vol. 38 Pt. 


Type VII 

This is a massive type of pillar weighing a couple of tons. Thsse p:iiars are generally 
found supporting the central bay of the sabha-mandapa or natya-mandapa or ka/yaia-mandapa. 
Examples of this type of pillars are found in the natya-mandapas of the Vitthaia temple at 
Hampiandthe Virabhadrasvami temple at Lepakshi (PI. 29). This represents a composite type 
of pillar, for it has pillarats and furious rampant vya/as. It has a massive shaft which forms the 
very core of the pillar. Rampant vya/as firmly planting their hind legs on the couchant elephants 
are shown projecting from three sides of the shaft. They are provided with riders The top 
seotionof the gaja-vyala bracket and immediately below the characteristic Vijayaragara floral 
corbel are found carved miniature vlmana motifs, rishis and pleasingly modelled ganas in the act of 
bha r&-vahakas. In between these projecting gaja-vyala brackets are arranged a pair of pillarets in 
two tiers. The base of the piliarets arranged on the lower tier has bhara-vahakas where as the base 
of the two piilarets found In the upper section are devoid of them. The asvapadam of this 
massive pillar is decorated with pattikas of graduated projections and rescesses. In one example 
three dancing human figures are carved on the central section of the base (PL 29). 

Type* VIII 

This type of pillar, like the one above referred, is massive in size. But in this example the 
pillarets and the gaja-vyala brackets are not shown projecting from the main shaft of the pillar. In 
this case a curved stone slab of massive proportions is attached to the very core of the main shaft, 
The shaft and the curved stone projection are adorned with the representations of gods, goddesses, 
kuc/u&, kumbha-panjaras, padma-bandhas, lotus medallions, etc. In some cases the facing sides of 
the stone projections are occupied by life-size sculptures representing divine and semi-divine 
beings. The classical examples of this type of pillars are found in the natya-mandapa and 
ka/y&na-mandapa of the Virafohadrasvami tdmple at Lepakshi 12 (PL 30). 

We have discussed so far the various types of Vijayanagara pillars including several minor 
varieties. A cursory glance at the pillars will prompt us to state that the pillars having pilfarets 
and 0a/a-vyala brackets are the most popular and profusely used pillars in the Vijayanagara temples. 
We may not be wrong in stating that this type of pillar is the guiding factor or the identifying 
symbol of the Vijayanagara style of architecture and art. Hence it may not be out of place here 
to discuss the source or sources that inspired the Vijayanagara architects for using the pillars 
having ga/a-vya/a bracket projections. 

12. V. Kameswara Rao, Op. Cit., PL XXXII, V. Kameswara Rao, The Lepakshi Temple, Tirupat 
1982, PI. 7. 

Cm F'oornachand 


It appears that the Pallavas were the first to use the lion or the vya/a at the base of the 
pillar. This is amply attested by the pillars that are found in the rock-cut mandapas at Mamalla- 
puram, Mandagapattu and Bhairavakonda etc. 13 . In all these examples a couchant lion is shown 
on the lower portion of the pillar. The circular or the fluted shaft ' of the pillar is placed right on 
the head of the animal. "This heraldic beast, which from now onward occupies a prominent 
position in the architectural productions of the Pallavas was appropriated by the ruling dynasty, 
and made to serve as a symbol of their Simhavishnu or "lion" (simha) ancestry" 14 . In the next 
stage, this heraldic lion or vya/a is found on the pilasters that adorned the exterior walls of the 
shrine. Examples of this type are first noticed on the exterior walls of the Shore temple at 
Mahabalipuram. About this new feature Percy Brown observes : "But there is also another 
important component in the structural temple, which although relatively a matter of detail, was 
destined to give not a little of its character to the later Pallava art. This is the appearance In the 
architectural scheme of a very pronounced type of pilaster, a rampant lion in prominent relief, 
which finds a place where ever such a structural form with an ornamental support is required. In 
the Shore temple this heraldic lion, erect and holding up a Dravidian capital, projects from every 
angle and is also introduced at intervals around the lower part of the entire building. As the style 
progressed this leogriff motif became more frequent and more characteristic so that it may be 
generally regarded as the identifying symbol of the Pallava style" 15 . The pillars and pilasters that 
are found in the Kailasanatha, Matangesvara, Muktesvara, and Vaikuntha Perumal at Kanchipuram 
and the Talagarisvara temple at Panamalai are also adorned with lions. 10 In these examples the 
heraldic beast is shown with out-stretched mane, protruding tongue, erect ears, bulging eyes and 
gaping mouth In some cases riders are represented on their backs 17 . These figures are dominated 
more by vertical tension rather than by grace and naturalism and consequently they look like 
wooden statues. The Chola architects did not show any interest in using this heraldic beast either 
at the base or in the shaft of the pillars 18 . A vyafa astride on a couchant elephant is used as a 
shaft of tht pillars supporting the roof of the ardha-mandapa of the Adikesvara" temple at Chebrolu. 
K. V. Soundararajan states that it is. "a mixed structural temple of Later Chalukya- Eastern Ganga 
mannerism" and assigned it to the second half of the 12th century A.D. 39 The Pandyan sculptors 


13. P. Brown, Op. Cit., Pis. L.IX, 2, LXII, 1 ; K, V. Soundararajan, Architecture of the Early Hindu 
Temples of Andhra Pradesh, PI. XII, 

14. P. Brown, Op. Cit., p. 94. 

15. Ibid., p. 99. 

16. A.Rea. Pallava Architecture, Pis. V, VI, VII, VIII, IX, XV, XVI, XVIII; K. V. Soundararajan, 
Indian Temple Styles, PI. IV. 

17. Ibid., Pis .XXVII, . LIV, LV, LVII. 

18. ' The Vyala-stambhlkas are found on the exterior walls of the Chola temples. ; M, A. Dhaky, The 

Vyala figures on the Mediaeval Temples of India, Varanasi. 1965, p. 12. 

19. K. V. Soundararajan, Op. Cit., p. 133, PI. XXX. 

A.H.R.S. Vol. 38 Pt. IV 


showed sufficient interest in the representation of vyafas in different positions and places in the 
temples constructed by them. 20 

Regarding the origin and antiquity of the rampant vya fa pilaster Percy Brown observes: 
"As in the case of the numerous motifs in Indian art, the origin of this rampant lion pilaster 
is a mystery, it suddenly appears in the temple design without any marked prefigurement, save for 
small representation of it on the unfinshed ratha of Valaiyankuttai of the previous (Mamalla's) reign 
in the shape of an insignificant bracket. It is strange that from such a rudimentary detail much of 
the charcater of the Narassmha architecture should have developed" 21 . Vya/a as a decorative motif 
was used in the Indian art before the advent of the Pallavas, In the south it is found on the 
coping stones of the stupas of the later Andhra and Ikshvaku periods. 22 A rampant vyala, as a 
lateral bracket, is found under the volute ends of the door-way of the Gautamisvara cave at Nasik 23 . 
It is also noticed on the gateway of a mandapa\r\ the Konti-gudi which is supposed to be the earliest 
of the early Chalukyan temples at Aihole. 24 It would thus appear that the statement that the 
rampant lion bracket found in the unfinished Valaiyankuttai ratha is the earliest example is not 
acceptable. It should be noted here that the lateral brackets adorned with the rampant vyafas are 
found in the later Chalukyan and the Kakatiya kin! toranas that are noticed at Indirsam, Ainole 
and Warangal 25 . In some of the Kakatiya temples massive vya/as standing on elephant head 
pedestals are shown springing from the shoulders of the pillars placed under the eaves of the 

The Vijayanagara sculptors paid uncommon interest in the representation of this heraldic 
beast on the massive pillars which normally support the flat roof of the mandapas and the pillared 
corridors. M. A Dhaky rightly observes: "In the edifices erected under the affluent Vijayanagara 
dynasty, however, the vyala received the highest recognition, almost to the point of obsession, 
when they occupied not only the surcapitals and bracket-struts of pillars ; they came down and 
appropriated the shafts of the peripheral pillars of The pavilions and subscribe in no small measure 
to the tropical phantasy of such celebrated examples as the kalyana mandapa at Vijayanagara, 
Vellore and Vmnchipuram" 27 . K. V. Soundararajan states : "There was indeed a penchant for 

20. M. A. Dhaky, Op. Cit , p. 12. 

21. P. Brown, Op. Cit., p. 96, 

22. M. A, Dhaky, Op. Cit., p. 12, Stella Kramrisch, The Art of India, Fig. 35. 

23. J. Fergusson & J. Burgess, The Cave Temples of India, New Delhi, 1968, PI. XX. 

24. R- S. Gupta, The Art and Architecture of Aihele - A study of the Early Chalukyan Art through 
Temple Architecture and Sculpture, Bombay, 1967, Pis. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. 

25. M. R f K. Sarma, Op. Cit., Pis. 60, 61. 

26. Ibid., PI. 141; M. Rama Rao, Select Kaka,tiya. Temples, PJ, fa. Itihas, VpL VIII, Np. I, 
Figs; 11, 12. 

27. M. A. Dhaky, Op. Cit., p. 12, 
C, Poornachand 


Vijayanagara craftsman to erect lofty pillars in the temple mandapa with a floating tower crest on 
the top and several such examples can be seen in Kanchi, Srirangam, Chidambaram, etc, 
Sometimes these pillars are of litter kind fully covered with puran/c as well as purely ornate 
carvings. Nayakas continued this tradition with less of surface detail'' 28 . A careful comparative 
study between the Vijayanagara and the Pallava representations of the vyalas clearly give us an 
idea that the former drew inspiration and guidance from the latter. But the Vijayanagar vyalas 
show marked advancement over their Pallava counterparts in modelling, designing, ornamentation, 
and above all in their distribution and dispostion in the various architectural adjuncts of a temple 

Free-stand Ing columns 

The free-standing pillars are found prominently attached to some Vifayanagara temples. 
Thus no amount of discussion about the Vijayanagara pillars would be complete without a 
reference to these free-standing pillars. 

It is observed that in some cases free-standing pillars having imposing monolithic shifts are 
found in front of the Vijayanagar temples, Mention may be made in this connection that the 
tradition of erecting free-standing columns near- the religious edifices was common to all Buddhist, 
Jain and Hindu styles of architecture. The Buddhists employed them to bear inscriptions on their 
shafts, with emblems or animals on their capitals. The best examples of this type are the Asokan 
pillars. The Jains built the dlpa-stambhas or lamp bearing pillars. The Vaishnavites raised 
garuda-stambhas or pillars bearing the images of a Garuda bird. The Saivites built dhvaja- 
stambhas or flag staffs, The other type of pillars are mana-stambhas or elegant tall pillars with a 
pavilion on the top, rana-stambha or pillar of victory, kfrti-stamba or the triumphal pillar, nandi- 
stambha or pillar surmounted by a nandiand kalasa-stambha, tc w . 

The free-standing pillars that are found in front of the Vijayanagara temples may be 
divided into two types. The first type of pillars are noticed at Sompalem, Tadiparti, Rayachoti, 
and.Prabhugiripatnam or etc. They are normally provided with bases. The most imposing and 
highly interesting base is noticed under a free-standing pillar located in front of the Chennakesava 
temple at Sompalem (PI. 31 ). It has both upapttha and adh/shtana. The upapftha has upana, gala 
and almgana^attika decorated with kudus. The adhfshthana is adorned with upana, Mpatta, 
padma-pamaaM alingana patttka, These mouldings are intervened by deep recesses. They are 

28. K. V. Soimtiararajan, The Art of South India, Tamilnadu and Kerala, New Delhi, 1978, p. 45. 

mt Proceedings and Transactions of the Second Oriental Conference, 

A,H.R.S. Vol. 38 Pt. IV 


decorated with floral designs, kudus, semi-circular projections, etc. The free-standing pillar found 
in front of the eastern goputa-dvara of the Venkataramana temple at Tadiparti also hasanadA/i- 
thana of four and half feet htght, 3 These pillars have square and monolithic shafts. These shafts 
are either plain or decorated with a prominent meandering floral creepers (Pis, 31, 32). In some 
cases the lower section of the shaft has figure sculptures (PL 31) The shaft of the free-standing 
pillar found in front of the Chennakesava temple at Sompalem is considered to be the lengthiest 
monolithic shaft in the entire range of the free-standing columns of the Vijayanagara period 
(PL 31). The shaft of these pillars is surmounted by a circular or octagonal projecting member 
which in its turn is succeeded by a broad platform which serves the purpose of a base to the miniature 
pavilion placed on the summit of the column. It Is constructed with bricks and and has 

the shape of a miniature temple In some cases it looks like a miniature standing on 

four pillars It is likely that these pavilions or shrines serve as receptacles for lamps. These 
pillars may be classified as dipa-stambhas 

Examples of the second type of free-standing pillars are found mostly in front of the temples 
at Hampi (PI 33). They have bases or are shown emerging from the earth without any base. 
They are of medium size and height. The lower section of the shaft, up to four feet, is square In 
shape. The rest of the portion up to the circular projecting neck has ornamental square blocks 
bevelled on the four edges of the shaft. Tha circular neck of the shaft is surmounted by an 
abacus having a lotus-like section below and a square pha/aka above. On the top of this type 
of pillar, an ornamental iron lamp post, having five projecting arms connected to centra! rod, is 

The Vijayanagara architects also showed considerable interest In erecting free-standing 
toranas in the vicinity of the temples. Examples of this type are found in front of the 
Venkataramana temple at Tadiparti and on the way to the Vitthala temple at Hampi 31 ,;PIs 34, 35). 
The torana standing in front of the eastern gopura-dvara of the Venkataramana temple at 
Tadiparti has a base of four and half feet hight. The torana has two uprights roughly of twenty 
five feet high, on either side and surmounted by an architrave. The uprights and the architrave 
are devoid of any ornamental designs, save a few fluted edges. It appsars that the architrave was 
originally adorned with semi-circular arches made of brick and chunam. But at present most of 
them are fallen except the one that is arranged on the extreme end of the right corner of the 
architrave, The torana located on. the way to the Vitthala temple exhioits furthsr advancement In 
modelling and designing This is not provided with a high base. It has two uprights and an 
architrave. The uprights are decorated with kumba-panfara motifs. The architrave place j on the 
top of the uprights has slanting edges and decorated with a series of kudu matifs and seated 
sarcfu/a figures. The surmounting part of the architrave has miniature ekatala Draviiiao vimana 
models with domical finials standing on stambhikas on either extreme ends. But an eka-tala 

30. V. Kamesw.ara Rao, Op. Cit., PI. XXIV, 2, 

31. Ibid., Pi. XXIV, 2. 

C. Poornachand 


sa/a-v/mana adorned with simhalalata gables and kalasa finials is found on the central section 
of the architrave. 

The tradition of erecting torana gateways round a religious edifice was started first by the 
Buddhists. Examples of this type are found at Bharhut, Sanchi, and Nasik etc. 32 This tradition was 
later on adopted by the Hindu architects. The early Chalukyan architectects were the first who 
raised the torana gateways and this is very well attested by the examples that are found at Aihole 83 , 
The Western Chaiukyas of Kalyani and their subordinates the Kakatiyas of Warangal patronized the 
tradition of erecting torana gateways before the temples. The best examples of this type are 
noticed at Nandikandi, Hanumakonda, Kolanupaka, Indirsanx Ainole and Warangal 34 . The Orissan 
sculptors also took sufficient interest and care in erecting graceful toranas and this is evident from 
a beautiful torana standing in front of the jagmohana of the Muktesvara temple at Bhuvanesvar 35 . 
The Vijayanagara toranas differ sharply from the above referred toranas. They are not intended 
to serve the purpose of a gateway to the temples. They were originally used for the ceremonial 
swingining of the god. The rings that are attached on the lower side of the architrave clearly show 
that these toranas were used for ceremonial swinging of the god and goddess on festive 
occasions. Similar type of toranas, popularly known as hfndolas are found in the vicinity of 
temples in Western India. Two finest examples of this type are found at Vadnagar in Gujarat 36 . 

Brackets or corbels 

One of the most important architectural elements of a pillar, apart from the base, shaft and 
the abacus, is the bracket or the corbel. It is placed above the capital of the pillar and below the 
prastara. The Vijayanagara pillars exhibit different types of brackets Both two armed and four- 
armed bracket are found in the pillars that are under our survey. Though the Vijayanagare corbels 
show considerable amount of Pallava and Chola influence some amount of newness and novelty 

are not lacking. The following are the principal types of corbels that are found in the Vijayanagara 

32. P. Brown, Op. Cit., p. 18; E. B. Havell, The Art Heritage of India Comprising Indian Sculpture and 
Painting and the Ideals of Indian] Art, Bombay, 1964, PI. 83 A; J. Fergusson & J. Burgess, 
The Cave Temples of India, New Delhi. 1969, PI. XX; Vignasarvasvamu, VoL III, Madras, 

1959, PL 95. 

33. R. S. -Gupte/Op. Cit., Pis. 47, 48. 

34. S G.K. Murthy, The Sculpture of the Kakatiyas, Figs, 1,43; M. Rama Rao, Select Andhra Temples, 
PL XXlV-i; M. R.K. Sarma, Op. Cit., p. 178, Pis. 60, 61. 

35. K. C Panigrahi, Archaeological Remains of Bhuvanesvar, 1961, Figs. 55, 56. 

36. P. Brown, Op. Cit , p. 150. PL Cl. Fig. 2; The struggle for Empire, History and Culture of the 

Indian People, Vol V, 1969, Fig, 51; H. B; Lai, The Temples of Rajasthan, Jaipur. 1969, 
Figs. 19; 67, 

A.H.R.S. Vol,38 P|. IV 


Type I 

This is principally square in shape and divided into two sections by introducing a couple of 
deeply incised horizontal lines, The sides of the lower part of this bracket are cut at 40, there 
by giving the shape of a triangular elevation. Besides, a square or' rectangular projecting patta is 
shown prominently on the facing sides of the corbel This type of bracket is devoid of any 
ornamental motifs save a few vertical and horizontal linear patterns. Examples of these types are 
found in the Vitthala temple at Hampi, the Trikutesvara temple at Pushpagiri, the Hazara Rama 
temple atji'ampi and in the pillars found in the natya-mandapa of the Virabhadrasvami temple at 
Lepakshi 37 (Pis. 3,4,8 ). The Chola architects also used this type of bracket. In the first instance they 
have used that type of bracket which has a slanting under edge cut at 45. Pillars and pilasters 
having this type of brackets are found in abundance in the Chola temples 38 In some cases the facing 
sides of the projecting arms are decorated with deeply incised wavy lines 39 , in the later stages, the 
Chola sculptors introduced a patta projecting from the middle of the slating under surface of ' the 
arm. 40 It is likely that the Vijayanagara sculptor, while modelling this type of bracket, might have 
got inspiration and guidance from the Chola models. 

Type II 

This type of bracket has a rectangular or square section above and the lower section is 
adorned with kapota-palika or cyma-recta edge. This may be termed as a roll corbel. Excellent 
examples of this type are found in the Venkataramana temple at Tadiparti, the Chennakesava 
temple at Sompalem, the Trikutesvara temple at Pushpagiri and the Hazara Rama and Vitthala 
temples at Hampi 41 (Pis, 6, 11, 16). It should be noted here that this roll bracket is either 
provided with a median band or not. If the median band is present it is either plain or decorated 
with dwarfibh ganas or serpent hoods, etc. 42 The brackets that are found on the pillars of a 
mandapa located outside the prakara wall of the Chennakesava temple at Sompalem give us 
some interesting information In this example the bracket is provided with two arms That 
particular projecting arm of the bracket which is placed under the prastara has cyma-recta 
terminations whereas the other arm which is supporting the massive cornice is simply square in 
shape. The combination of roll and square brackets is very interesting and this reflects upon the 
Vijayanagara sculptors' unstinted curiosity and love for novelty (PI. 11). 

37. V. Kameswara Rao, Op. Cit., P. 214. 

38. B. Venkataraman, Temple Art Under the Chola Queens, Faridabad, 1976, Pis. 8, 32, 34, 38, 48, 
55; S. R. Balasubrahmanyam, Early Chola Temples, Pis. 1, 11, 28, 32, 71. 

39. B. Venkataraman, Op. Cit., PI. 36; S. R. Balasubrahmanyam, Op. Cit., Pis. 51, 78, 104, 191. 

40. P. Brown, Op. Cit., Pis. LXX, Fig. 2. 

41. V. K*meswara Rao, Op. Cit., PL LXVIII. 


The roll and roll and patta corbels are extremely rare in the Pallava, Chola and Pandyan 
pillars. It is likely that this type of bracket was introduced for the first time by the early Chalu- 
kyan architects. This is very well illustrated by the pillars that are found in the temples at 
Papavfnasana-tirtha near Alampur, Ramalingesvara temple at Satyavolu, the Mahanandisva'ra 
temple at Mahanandi. etc 43 . The Eastern Chalukyan architects also used this type of brackets, 
but very sparingly 44 . The later Chalukyan, Hoyasala and the Kakaiiya sculptors showed a great 
liking for this type of bracket. Both plain and highly ornate roll corbels are found in their pillars. 
In some cases double volute taranga corbels are also used by the above referred architects 45 . 

Type 111 

This type represents the floral corbel. The Vijayanagara sculptors profusely adopted this 
type of bracket, A careful examination of this bracket will enable us to state that there are two 
varieties "of this type. The first variety represents a harmonious combination of concave and 
convex floral curves. The sides of this curved corbel are adorned with floral patterns Generally 
the basal section of this corbel has some wide and narrow pattfkas with a deep gala in between 
them. The lower pattika has kudu motifs and in some cases this serves the purpose of a base. 
Examples of this type are found in the pillars of the san/vara-mandapa of the Virabhadrasvami 
temple at Lepakshi and the Vittha la temple at Hampi (PI 28). Further the pillars that are found 
in the corridors of the Virabhadrasvami temple at Lepakshi and the Achyutaraya temple at Hampi 
also have this variety of floral corbels (Pis. 22, 23). The finest variety of this type is found on a 
pillar lying Jn the vicinity of the Paialesvara temple at Srisailam (PI. 21). The lower and the 
upper sections of this floral corbel have mouldings of graduated projections and recesses. The 
curye of the bracket has floral flutes. Further, a ' gana with pleasing anatomical features, is shown 
lifting the top of the bracket with his upraised proper left hand whereas the right hand is kept in 
katyavalambita pose. Another example of this type is found in the plliars of the entrance mandapa 
of the Venkatesvara temple at Tirumala. Here a parrot is shown instead of gana^. The second 
veriety represents the Pushpa-potika bracket. In this type the projecting floral arm of the bracket 
is terminated with a hanging lotus bud or potika. Several stages of its evolution are noticed in 
the pillars of the Vijayanagara temples, in the first stage the floral arm of the corbel, curves 
at the base itself without projecting considerably. Further the under side of the curved end has 
a flat surface without a bud. An excellent example of this type is found in one of the pillars 
of the kalyana- mandapa at Lepakshi (PI. 9). In the second stage of its evolution the formation 
of the potfka on the centre of the under side of the floral arm of the corbel is noticed. But it 
looks like a semi-circular projection. An example of this bracket is noticed in the ka/yana- 

.','',* ft " '-... 

43. M. R. K. Sarrna, Op. Cit., PL 18; M. Rama Rao, Early Chalukyan Temples of Andhra Desa, 
Figs, 19, 27. 

44. M.Rama Rao, Eastern Chalukyan Temples "of Andhra Desa, Fig. 27. 

45. A. Rea, Chalukyan Architecture, Pis. GUI. 1,XXX, 2, Archaeologial Bulletin, No II Pi. XLI" 
P. Brown, Op. Git., PL GXXIV, Fig. 2. M. Rama Rao, Select Kakatiya Temples Pl.X(a); 

M. R. K/Sarma Gp.Ot., PIs/32,33, 36, 37, 49/41. 

46. Itihas, Vol. VIII, No. 1, PI.1V. 

A.RR.S. Vol. 38 Pt. IV 


PI. 2 


PI. 3 



PI .4 


PI. 5 



PI. 6 


PI. 7 



PI 3 


PI. 9 


PI. 10 



PI. 11 



PI. 12 



PI. 13 


PI. 14 


PI. 15 


PI. 16 


PI. 17 



PI. 18 



PI. 19 




PI. 20 









PI. 28 


PI. 27 





PI. 29 



PI. 30 


PI. 31 



PI. 32 


PI. 33 


PI. 34 

T , m . PT.35 



mandapa of the Virabhadrasvami temple at Lepakshi (PI. 15). In the third stage the curved 
floral arm of the corbel is marked with considerable advancement, The floral arm is shown 
projecting from the central core of the corbel. Further the potika or the lotus bud is also very well 
modelled and projecting from its base considerably. Examples of this type are found in plenty 
in the natya-mandapa of the Virabhadrasvami temple at Lepakshi (Pis. 10,19). It should be 
noted here that in all these above referred cases, the floral arms are attached to the main block of 
the bracket but not modelled in the round In the final stage of its evolution the curved floral 
arm of the bracket is modelled in the round and shown projecting out. Further it is decorated 
with leafy and creeper patterns. The lotus bud, shown at the termination of the floral arm, is 
marvellously designed and meticulously decorated. In some cases a horizontal decorative band 
connecting the potika with the main block of the bracket is also noticed. Excellent examples of 
this type are found at Hampi, Millampalli, Lepakshi, Sompalem and Tiruvannamalai etc. 47 (PI. 14). 

The bracket having floral arms with pushpa-potlka terminations was neither invented nor 
introduced for the first time by the Vijayanagara sculptors. The Pallavas were the first who 
introduced this pushpa-potika bracket. This is amply supported by the bracket that is found in the 
pillars of the Panchapandava cave, assigned to 7th century A D. 48 The shaft of the pillars are placed 
on the head of a couchant lion - the identifying symbol of the Pallava style. It is surmounted by 
a two-armed bracket. The curved floral arm of the corbel has a beautifully designed lotus bud 
at the end. The Cholas succeeded the Pallavas. About the Chola corbels V. Kameswara Rao 
observes: "In the early Chola style, the sides of the capital came to be cut at 45. Sometimes 
there was a protruding block at the base on either side. The next development was the stretching 
of the capital to the sides in two sections, the second assuming the form of an elephant's trunk. 
A further development was the addition of a semi-circular hanging below the elephants trunk. 
Subsequently this semi-circle developed an angle at the centre resembling a potika or bud" 40 , 
The Pandyan sculptors also displayed a liking for this type of bracket, Percy Brown observes: 
"In the hands of the Pandyan sculptors this flower element was given a scalloped edge, thus 
presenting it with a foliated and more exquisite appearance. The other attraction is in the form of 
the bodigai or corbel of the bracket overhanging the capital, which has been converted from purely 
conventional and abstract member into moulded pendent or drop" 50 . It is thus evident from the 
above discussion that the pushpa-potika bracket was introduced by the Palfavas and it was 
adopted later on by the Cholas and Pandyas. Hence it is reasonable to assume that the 
Vijayanagar sculptors drew inspiration either from the Pallavas or from the Cholas while modelling 
the Pushpa-potika corbels. The Vijayanagara pushpa- potfka corbels inturn inspired the Nayaka 
sculptors who literally converted them as marvels in the decorative art of that period. 

47. V. Kameswara Rao, Op. Cit., Pis. XXXI, 3, XXXVI, 3, XXXVII, 3. Itihas, Vol. VIII, Pls.XI, XV. 

48. H. Zimmer, The Art of Indian Asio, Vol.11, Pis. 290, 291, 292. 

49. V. Kameswara Rao, Op. Cit., pp. 225 ff. 

50. P. Brown. Op. CU, P. 107, 

C, Poornachand 





The Mesolithic phase characterized by the extensive use of composite tools made of 
microliths represents a smooth transition from palaeolithic savagery to the neolithic barbarism. 
It was a time during which hunting - foraging techniques have been very much systematized 
and small bands constituting the various societies were in continuous interaction with the 
eco - zone or eco - tone; the 'symbiotic' relationshrp between man and his ecological niche 
leading finally to the identification and careful manipulation of potential domesticates. A 
careful study of the equipment and patterns of settlement of the mesolithic phase would 
reveal the technical and social organization prevailing in the hunter-gatherer communities at the 
dawn of food production. Microliths continue tooccurin various post mesolithic cultural phases 
too (Joshi, R V. 1973) indicating that even after the mooring in of the neolithic traits, the 
society through times had a demand for the microlithic tool kit. Obviously the genesis 
of the microlithic tradition could be routed through some of the advanced flake- tool or blade-tool 
cultures probably of the Upper palaeolithic composition. Thus a study of the microlithic artefacts 
of the mesolithic phase becomes not merely an interesting subject by itself but much informative 
for understanding the forces leading to the food production and the concurrent advances. Features 
about the organization of the settlements and equipment during the Mesolithic times in northern 
Coastal Andhra are described in the present essay. 

In the Northern Coastal Andhra the mesolithic people habited the banks of the river Godavari 
and its tributaries and a few minor river systems like the Vamsadhara, the Gosthani, the 'Gambhira 
gadda, the Marikavalasa gadda, The Sarada, and the Eleru etc. AH these watercourses, excepting 
the main stream of Godavari, rise on the eastern flanks of the ranges of hills which form part of 
the astern ghats, They flow through stretches of littoral zone before they finally reach the Bay of 
Bengal, Besides on the river banks, the mesolithic people habited certain low hillocks over 
looking the perennial water courses. The microlithic settlements on the Sappies hill (1656' N. 
Latt; 81<>48' E, long.) at Rajahmundry, the Kadama hill (1715' N. Latt; 8138'30" E. long.) near 
Polavaram, and the Jangammetta <1712'13" N. Latt; 8138' E. long.) near Pattisam are a few 
examples to quote; all these hillocks with their prehistoric remains are of course, situated on the 
banks of the river Godavari. 


In coastal Andhra cave sites are very few, An important group of caves is available at 
Borrah in the Visakhapatnam district, but they have not been explored for the pre-historic finds 
by any expert archaeologist. Late Prof. C. Mahadevan of Andhra University is said to have 
collected a few palaeoiiths from the vicinity of those caves, But elsewhere in Rayalaseema the 
caves at Betamcherla (15 25' N. Latt; 788' E. Long.) have produced a large number of Upper 
palaeolithic implements in the association of late pleisotocene fauna (Murti, M. L K 1974), 
In the vicinity there are a few more caves which are likely to yield further data about the early 
man- Probably an intensive survey of the natural caves and grottos may help in locating 
microlithic horizons also in their vicinities. 

All the mesolithic settlements are distributed in areas presently grown over by dry 
deciduous forest and open scrub jungles. Evidence is not lacking, however, about such sites 
located in deciduous forests of the east and west Godavari districts. Ratchana gudem (1719' N. 
Latt;8l11' E. Long.), Lankapalle (17T4' N. Latt; 81 22'30" E. Long.) and Rasur (1713'40" N. 
Latt; 8122' E. long.) are a few such instances. 

While choosing their camping sites, the mesolithic folk were particularly keen about the 
availability of raw material in the locality. Usually the small water worn nodules or pebbles 
from the bed of water courses were taken up for the fabrication of tools. Where such sources 
were not available, the craftsmen quarried the cypto-crystalline and crystalline silicates from the 
local hills. In case there were conglomerate sand stones in the vicinity, they exploited the silicate 
nodules from them. As such quartz, chert, jasper, agate, opal, and chalcedony etc., were the 
usual rocks taken up for tool manufacture 


Microliths occur -in various concentrations at different localities. Usually microliths are 
exposed as scattered, finds on the surface of red loams. This is more so when the implementi- 
ferous horizons are badly dissected. Occasionally they are associated with coarse sands and 
very- fine gravels of fluvratNe. origin. A few gravel lenses in some of the river sections yield 
considerable number of microliths; mesollths from Chilakagadda (1810' N, Latt; 837' E. Long.) 
are collected in such contexts. 

The most interesting type of occurrence, however, is in clusters. Many such clusters have 
been identified at Madhuravada (1747' N, Latt; 83 23' E Long.). Marikavalasa (i750'"N. 
Latt; 83020' -:.- L0ng.) r Lankapalle (17<M4'.N. Latt; 8122'30" E. Long.), Ramannagudem 
(1713'15" N, Latt; 8122'30" E. Long.), 'Manchulurigudem (1712' N. Latt; 8122' ;E. Long.) 
and Kangalagudem (17TQ'. N-. Latt; 8123' E. Long.). Similar instances are noted elsewhere at 
Aklaspur (19 N Latt; 79 E. Long.) and Afbaka (18 12'3(T N. Latt; 8040' E. Long.) in the 
Karirnnagar and Khammam districts respectively. The clusters at Manchulurigudem, Lankapalle 

A.H.R.S. Vol.38 Pt. IV 


and Albaka have a speciality. They retain anvils at the centre surrounded by scatters of micro- 
liths in all stages of their manufacture. Both worked and unworked nodules a!so occur in their 
association. However, at sites situated right on the out crops, working-platforms are not clearly 
located. Probably the outcrop itself was made the base for the fabrication of tools. In such 
cases microliths and a few hammer stones (?) are scattered about the rock eminences, At 
Ramannagudem and Kangalagudem such instances were noticed. 

In rnesolithic horizons of northern coastal Andhra small parallel sided blade-blanks and 
tools made on them are the common finds. It appears Jthat the blade-blanks were broken at a 
particular length to produce blade-lets, After imparting retouch they were converted into the 
desired tool shape. Pen knife blades, backed blades, retouched blades, notched or serrated blades, 
etc., constitute the general blade element. Lunates, trapeze and triangular are the usual 
geometries. Crescentic and symmetric types of points occur, the latter constituting tanged 
variety also. Crescentic points are always modelled on blade blanks while for the symmetric types 
flake blanks form the medium. End scrapers and side scrapers are also of common occurrence. 
Retouched, notched and those with signs of use damage constitute the flake element. Micro 
burins are relatively rare. 

Specimens made on fossilwood, wood, bone, antler, ivory, etc. have not come to light in this 
region. Even if they were present In the original assemblages they could not escape the ravages 
of the tropical rainy environment. Evidences for the structural activity of the microlithic people 
have not been identified probably because no considerable area of the times has been studied 
through excavation. 

The largest microlithic settlement wauid m3asure about 10) metres square containing more 
than half a dozen clusters. Usually a few small camping sites are situated not far away from the 
larger settlements, but for a quantitative difference in tools no major variation in the tool- 
morphology could be established between them. Major sites are situated close to the water 
courses, either right on the banks of the stream or on the nearest rock eminences, probably for 
economic reasons. A few temporary camping sites are usually located a little away from the 
streams scattered through denser floral niches. The straight distance between one major site to the 
other is not more than 2 kilometres in any case. The camping sites are more in number, and close 
to each other in the upper reaches of tributary river valleys, while they became more scattered in 
the lower courses. For reasons largely governed by drainage morphology sites in the upper 
courses, more intact while those in the Sower reaches of any stream are mercilessly denuded. 
River courses flanked by moist deciduous forests are inhospitable for microlithic camping sites; the 
impenetrable jungles do not allow free movement of the game and the hunter. In such areas 
naturally primary or base camps of the mesoiithic are absent, 

p. i. 


Ratchanagudem and Lankapalle distributed across the deciduous tracts may however repres- 
ent the areas of hot-weather hunting grounds of the mesolithic folk. Even at far higher reaches at 
Puchikapadu, Ankanagudem etc., mesoiithic artefacts have been collected in scattered contextthe 
sites do not present anything interesting but in all probability they represent seasonalsummer 
camping grounds In the vicinity are a few small streams issuing from springs which must have 
attracted both the game and the hunter in hot weather The local tribes like the Koyas even today 
drive the sheep, goat and the cattle to far higher reaches of the eastern ghats for summer grazing. 
After the first shDwars they return down to their base camps. Perhaps seasonal migration in 
search of food and fodder is not a new element in the life and culture of the Koyas but the origin 
lies in much greater antiquity. 

Sites and equipment 

Battili (18 43' N, Latt: 845' E. Long.) is the northern most microlithic site so far known in 
coastal Andhra Pradesh. It is situated in the Patapatnam taluk of the Srikakulam district. The 
site is in the upper Vamsadhara valley, to the north of which lie the ranges of 'Eastern Hills'. 
At a place, where the Vamsadhara emerging from the hill country enters a plain, sheet 
erosion followed by gullying exposed microlithic clusters on the right bank of the Vamsadhara. 
Presently the microliths are associated with residual fine gravels and coarse sands, deposited there 
by fluvial agencies. The very fact that they are associated with alluvial deposits indicates that 
the specimens have been transported through unknown distance and laid in there But as the 
artefacts appear fresh and unworn possibly their place of manufacture does not lie much beyond. 
It appears that the top of the overlying red earth is the original 'Old land surface' from which the 
specimens have been drifted. (Prasad, K. 1971 ). 

Among the tool-types parallel sided blades with or without use, damage, backed blades, 
scrapers, points, burins and lunates may be recognised, A number of primary flakes, amorphous 
flakes, chips and partly worked nodules of quartz and chert are the other finds. Water worn 
pebbles of quartz and nodules of chert are locally available and the craftsmen exploited the natural 
rock resources (Table-1 ). 

In the Gajapatinagaram (1817' N. Latt; 832V E. Long.) area a number of microlithic 
settlements are noticed on the banks of the various rivulets that drain into the Champavatl a local 
stream. Situated on the banks of the stream in the vicinity of Andhra, Raba and Rompalle have 
yielded a number of microliths The tools which were originally distributed on the surface of the 
red land are brought down by sheet erosion. At present they are apparently associated with the 
yellowish brown earth, where ever the top lying red earth is eroded away (Radhakrishna, U. 1972), 

The localities on the Ghampavati brought to light a variety of retouched and backed blades, 
the usual blade and flake blanks, A fw scrapers, points, burins and lunates are the other 

. Vl38 Pt.JV 


tool types known from here. The points are usually crescentic and the scrapers fall into the side, 
end, convex and concave varieties, At all the three localities scrapers find a good representation. 

At Kasipatnam (1813' N. Latt: 837' E. Long.) microliths are collected from the pre-neolithic 
levels in a scattered context The village is situated on the right bank of the Gosthani, in the 
Sringavarapukota taluk, at a distance of 48 kms. north of Visakhapatnam. The area is amidst 
ranges rising to~35X)0' above M.S.L. On the concave bends of the meanders, stretches of rolled 
pebbles and sub angular rocks are scattered. The stream has cut down its bed upto the bed rock 
and at present the braided channels occur at a depth of 50' below the banks. Thick deposits 
of red earth, occasionally interspersed with lime concretions, are exposed in the sections. 
The artefacts are exposed at places situated a little to the north and west of the village, on the 

tops of sheet-eroded red lands. 


Parallel sided blades with signs of retouch, burins, points, scrapers and flakes with signs of 
use damage are collected. Fluted cores and amorphous cores are also found along with the abova 
artefacts. Red and yellow varieties of chert were employed for the fabrication of the tools. 


About 8 kms. south of Kasipatnam at Chilakagadda (1810 f N. Latt; 837' E. Long.) 

microliths have been collected across the tops of the residual heaps of the undulated topography. 

The local stream is the Chilakagadda, which is a tributary to the Gosthani. The implements are 

apparently associated with the coarse sands and small nodules of chert and quartz In all 

probability the implements were originally stationed in the top levels of the red loam, which in 

course of time was brought down by erosion. Scrapers, points, borers, burins, backed blades, 

and lunates are among the types of tools. A trapeze is also collected at the site. It appears that 

chert, quartz, crystal, jasper, felspar etc. were freely employed by the craftsmen to fabricate the 

tools. However, those made on quartz and chert predominate the assemblage (Sastri, 1972). 


Boyipalem (1755' N. Latt; 8918' E. Long.) is another microlithic site situated 18 kms. north 
of Visakhapatnam. In the vicinity flows a stream locally known as the Gambhira gedda. The 
village proper lies on the south bank of the stream while the tool bearing deposits occur on the 
north bank at a distance of 500 metres away from the stream bed. The area is covered by thick 
beds of red earth dissected by a number of small streams that drain into the Gambhira gedda. 
The artefacts occur here as surface scatters, which could be categorized as blade -tools, pointed 
flakes, crescentic flakes, a variety of scrapers, borers, burins, flake blanks, fluted and amorphous 
cores besides large quantities of chips. Most of the specimens are fabricated on agate and chert. 
K.T. Reddi (1978) surveyed the entire Gambhiram valley and identified upper palaeolithic, 
microlithic, neolithic and early historical cultural phases. At Madhyakadama, Soutyam, 
Mamidilova, Gudilova, Gambhiram, Boyapalem, etc , Reddi collected artefacts. He finds that 
Madhyakadama and Soutyam are very potential sites of the upper palaeolithic- and 

P. B. Murti 


times, Reddi conducted resistivity survey and obtained the following stratigraphy at Madhya 
Kadama Quoted :.. 

0-47 cms. ... Bright red soil (sterile) 

47-80 cms. .... Red soil (mesolithic) 

80-110 cms. ... Dull red soil (sterile) 

110-119 cms. ... Pellety lateritic gravel (upper palaeolithic) 

The mesoliths and the upper palaeoliths are found in a mixed context scattered over the bad 
land topography. The artefacts include blunted backed blades, tanged points, burins, borers and 
scrapers besides a large number of waste products. 

At Marikavalasa (17^50' N. Latt; 8350' E. -Long.) another microlithic locality has been 
identified. It is situated at a couple of kilometres south of Boyipalem on the Marikavalasa gadda, 
The area is about 14 kms. north of Visakhapatnam. The archaeological horizon is located on the 
left bank of the stream. 

The implementiferous area is the top lying red earth at a height of 1 .25 mts. above the stream 
level. The site proper is flanked on the eastern and western sides by low ranges. The red earths 
in the area are dissected by transverse rills producing a bad land topography. At present the area 
is strewn over by calcareous concretions. Scattered through some of these dissections implements 
belonging to the microlithic and neolithic times have been recovered. A number of parallel sided 
blades, backed blades, a few lunates and flakes with use-damage are the noteworty specimens 
under the category of microliths. All the artefacts are fabricated on small water worn nodules of 
agate which are locally available. 

At Madhuravada (1747' N. Latt; 8323' E. Long.) which is situated 3 kms. south of 
Marikavalasa and 10 kms. north of Visakhapatnam, another microlithic industry is located. Here 
also the tools are found scattered over the red land surfaces. The area is much dissected and 
strewn over by concretions of lime. Here nearly 200 artefacts are collected. On typological 
ground they may be classified as parallel sided blades, pen pnives, backed blades, notched blades, 
crescentic blades, burins, lunates, awls, points, scrapers and a few flakes with signs of use-damage. 
Fluted cores, amorphous cores, core fragments, primary flakes and chips are the other associated 
finds. A few neoliths, fragments of coarse red ware and mace-heads are the new stone age 
remains of the area. Quartz, chert and agate are the materials employed for the fabrication of the 
jiiiqroliths f 

' ' . . . PI > 

'H.R.S. VoL 38Pt, 


About 2 miles south of Madhuravada, on the out skirts of Potinamallayapalem a few quartz 
made microliths have been collected. They are mainly blade flakes and amorphous cores. 

A few kms. south of the above site, in the vicinity of the zoological park (1740' N. Latt; 
8325' E Long.) of Visakhapatnam town a few blades, flakes, cores, and fluted cores of chert were 
collected. Here too the artefacts occur in the dissected landscape of red earths. 

In the Anakapalle taluk of Visakhapatnam district the vicinity of Lankalapalem (1740' 
N. Latt; 832 J E. Long.) has yielded a number of microliths. Here the tool-bearing deposits are 
spread over a wide srea from Lankalapalem to Aganampadi. On both the sides of the high way 
the deposits underwent deep erosion, exposing the bedrock at places. At present the area is 
criss-crossed by a number of dry flow channels leading to the dry bed of an ephemeral stream. 
The implements occur on the led earth as surface remains where ever the top mantle of^the soil 
is eroded. The microliths from this site include a variety of blade flakes, beside a few finished 
tools. Chert appears tj be the most preferred raw material, though some specimens occur in 

A few knis. west of Kasimkota at Subbupalem, a hamlet, a few microliths have been 
collected from the dissected reJ land surfaces. The artefacts include a few blade flakes, scrapers 
etc. Quartz and chert are the raw materials used for the fabrication of microliths. 

Explorations have not been conducted in the minor river valleys of Tandava and Parnpa 
both of them flowing in the northern and western parts of the east Godavari district. However, 
the Elarj, which runs partly parallel to the main stream of the R. Godavari has been thoroughly 
surveyed by Dr. M Kasturi Bai. Earlier L. A Cammiade (1924) discovered a few microlithic 
camping sites in the valleys of the Eleru and Maddigadda. 

In the Eleru valley, the microlithic camping site at Eleswaram (1717' N. Latt; 826' E Long.) 

* * 

is important. The microliths are scattered on the top of a low hillock, situated to 3 kms. north of 
Eleswaram. A pre-mesoli hie flake industry has also been noticed there. The site yielded normal 
types of mesolithic artefacts made on crystalline and crypto-crystalline silicates. 

In the Eleru valley many more sites have been located in the recent times, but the details are 
to be published However, the data from Lingavaram and Appannapalem have been presented 
here. The microlithic site at Lingavaram (1720' N. Latt; 824' E. Long.) is situated a little to the 
north-west of the village on the southern flanks of a small hill. The artefacts are exposed on the 
top of the red loam, which lie against the southern flanks of a small hill. The artefacts are 
exposed on the top of the red loam, which lie against the southern slopes of the hj 11 


disturbance of the archaeological horizon has been caused by the local people during their 
agricultural-activities in the vicinity. The hill has been shedding large quantities of rock debris 
which slid down the slopes and as a consequence the archaeological horizon is partly buried by 
the screes. 

Collection of the artefacts is made from the exposures in the rain gullies and on the top of 
the red earth. 

The artefacts from Lingavaram are broadly ciassifed as blades, lunates, tanged points, 
crescentic points, symmetric points, retouched flakes, flake blanks, primary flakes, cores and waste 
products. Altogether 116 artefacts have been accounted for. Medium-blank analysis indicated 
that 32 implements are either blade-made tools or blade blanks and 15 are flake tools, showing a 
domination of the blade element. A majority of the blade tools are retouched and the specimens 
range in length between 1 cm. to 2 cms. A few blade tools also retain patches of cortex. The 
lunates, borers, and tanged points are all flake made. 

On petrological grounds it would appear that about 50% of the tools were made on grey, red 
and yellow varieties of chert Next in order of preference comes chalcedony which would show a 
frequency of 40%. The rest of the 10% of the artefacts are on quartz "and agate. All .the types 
of crypto crystalline rocks are locally avail ble in the form of nodules while quartz must have been 
quarried from the local veins, 

Appannapalem (1716'N, Latt; 825' E. Long.) is another hamlet in the vicinity of Eleswaram, 
situated on the right bank of Eleru To the southwest of Appannapalem some archaeological 
horizons have been located. The site lies on the eastern slopes of a small range. Here the Eleru 
entering the valley from the north, flows south-east. .The area is very deeply dissected by the 
transverse streams. The implementiferous horizon is the top of the red loam, resting directly on 
the bed rock. Clusters and scatters of microliths are noticed where the top soil is subjected to 
sheet erosion. That some of the tools are exposed for a long time is substantiated by their 
association with heaps of lime nodules, 

The industry at Appannapalem includes blades, lunates, crescentic points, symmetric points 
and scrapers, 

it 7J* ! ^ mber of finished tools is only forty seven. Though the total number of artefacts 
colitis 868. the fmtetad products Jprm only- -a small fraction of the collection. The large 
number of amorphous cores and almost thrice the number of bi-product flakes and waste suggest 
th the site may Dea work-spat of the times. But unfortunately the erosive hater* of the various 

A ? H.R.S. Vol. 38 Pt. IV 


rills has deformed completely the archaeolgica! horizons and routed out all anvils and the encircl 

A few of the 32 blades show signs of retouch. They range in length between 1.5 cm. to 
3-00 cms. The chords of all the eight lunates show signs of use damage. One of the crescentic 
points is weathered probably due to long exposure. The symmetric point shows an incipient tang 
at the proxial end. 

All the scrapers in the industry fall into the category of side scraper variety only. 

About 95% of the artefacts are fabricated on plain yellowish agate. The entire area is 
strewn over by nodules of agate and it is possible that the raw material is available locally. The 
rest of ths 5 % of the specimens are on quartz, chalcedony and chert. 

!n the lower Godavari valley many mesolithic camps have been located by Cammiade, L A. 
in 1924, At some of the sites Cammiade collected neolithic artefacts too. A note on the 
mesolithic finds from the area has been published by Allchin, B (1966). More recently detailed 
investigation of the prehistoric sites in the lower Godavari valley has been undertaken by the 
author and a f ?w of the interesting details have been furnished here The prehistoric camp sites, 
particularly th;>;eofthe mssolithic timas, are distribjted across the banks of the mmor river 
systems like the Seetapalle va gu, the Peddagedda, the Turpu kalva and the Baineru; all these 
streams finally join the R. Godavari after its escape from the Bison gorge Some of the mesolithic 
sites are located on the tops of low nillocks situated along the banks of the R, Godavari. important 
armng which are the Kadama konda (1 7 15' N. Latt; 18 38' 30" E Long ), the Zangam metfa 
(17 12' N, Latr; 8133' E Long.) th^ Toyyaru Hill(179'N Latt;8!40 f E, Long ) and the 
Sapees' Hill (1656' IM Latt;8148'E Long.). 

Among the scores of sites distributed along the tributary streams, Lank.apalie ;17 lj ! 3' N. 
Latt;8122'38" E. Long.), Rasur (1713' N. Latt;8122' E Long), Ramannaguden (17 9 I3'15" N. 
Latt; 8l22'30" E. Long.), Kapavaram (173'10" N. Latt; 8122' E Long.}, Manchulurigudem 
(1712 f N Latt;8122 f E. Long.), and Kangalagudem (1710' N. Latt; 8l23 f E Lang.) am 
important in the context of artefact densities on the Baineru, while Puliramudugjdem (I7 tj lo* N, 
Latt; 8126' E. Long), Sig-padu ( i 712'30" N. Latt; 8132'30" E. Long.) and Lakshmipuram 
(1712'N Latt; 8129'30" E Long.) are th a interesting mesolithic localities on the Turpjkalva; 
both the streams flow in parts of the West Godavari district of Andhra Pradesh On the Seetapall* 
vagu, flowing across parts of the East Godavari district, Cheruvupalem (1723' N. Latt; 81^k> 
E Long.) is an intere;ting masolithic site Though microliths have bean collected at differed 
times from the vicinities of Rampachodavaram p7^7* N Latt; 8 IMS' E Long ) and Sa^t 

D. B. Murti 


(1726' N. Latt; 8147' E. Long.) in all probability they may be hailing from the neolithic horizons 
located closeby, 

At al! the sites mentioned above the mesolithic artefacts have been recovered from the top 
levels of the earth flanking on either side of the stream courses. They occur in small clusters 
distributed over wider areas. The artefacts did not drift through fluvial agencies, with 
the result they appear fresh and the contours are sharp. At some of the sites like 
Manchulurigudem amidst the clusters, anvils are also noticed; they were the working platforms of 
the mesolithic arteficers. Not far away from these high concentration zones but distributed across 
areas within a radius of a kilometer or two, groups of artefacts are scattered, probably indicating 
that they were the zones within their hunting rounds. The too! kit produced and utillized by the 
mesolithic hunters of the Godavari valley has been listed in Table-2. The mesoiithic adaptation 
patterns in the lower Godavari valley are similar to those observed in the Bastar area (Zarine 
M Cooper 1983). 


Apparently the mesolithic camp sites are widely distributed in the entire northern coastal 
Andhra. As the industries constitute more 'or less the same typology, possibly there was not 
much of a variation in their economic exploitation levels. As the area under investigation 
confines uniformly to similar geo-and eco-settings the opportunities available to the mesolithic 
hunter-gatherers remained practically constant through time and space. The specimens from the 
Godavari valley exhibit napping technical skill par excellence-the tool types take much neater out 
lines than those from the other parts described. In morpho-metrical details artefacts from the 
Visakhapatam area appear broader and thicker than their counter parts in the Godavari valley; 
perhaps it was more difficult to obtain neater and thinner forms on agates and amorphous quartz 
nodules than on chalcedony and chart, the latter two being the choicest raw material for the 
mesolithic artificers of tne Godavari 

In the magnitude of occurrence and the sub-types of various toDls, represented sites of the 
Baineru valley could be compared with those from Aklaspjr and Albaka, Lcated on the upstream 
of Godavari and in general terms specimens from these areas have features much in common with 
those from Adamgarh (Joshi FL V, 1968) and Birbhanpur (Lai B. B. 1958) Sites around 
Visakhapatnam have, however, produced tool kit akin to that from the Bastar area (Zarine M. 
Cooper 1983). 

At some of the sites around Visakhapatnam ground stone axes of Eastern Indian affinities, 
particularly those from .-Kucha! (Thapar, B. K 1262), have been recovered. Apparently there is 
not mu$h of a ' strattg raphic separation or distinction between the mesolithic and neolithic 

.H.R.S. Vol. 38 Pt. IV 


levels indicating that they were not chronologically far apart. Also even after the introduction 
of the neoli-hic way of life into the area the folk could not make permanent settlements of their 
own as there is complete absence of habitational mounds of the times. It is also likely that 
hunting and food collection played a vital role in their economy even during the neolithic times 
demanding extensive use of microlithic toolkit. Thus it would appear that the mesolithic sites 
on the Baineru are pristine and anterior in time scale to those around visakhapatnam which are 
on the threshold of neolithicism. If a time bracket of 1000-1500 B.C. could be suggested for 
the diffusion of neolithic traits into the Visakhapatnam area, then most of the mesolithic settle- 
ments in the lower Godavari valley should be dated to times far earlier; perhaps a date around 
4000 B. C. would not be far fetched and it is well within the frame work suggested by Agrawal 
and others (1978), 

T A B L E 1 

List of Artefacts from various sites 














Retouched blades 







Backed blades 













Backed and 






Blade blanks 













Symmetric points 






Asymmetric points 










- T - ur ,,,, 

Crescentic points 
















-i a 

Lu nptes 






































Flake blanks 













Blade cores 












Core fragments 













Total 175 298 167 194 1092 164 237 186 176 165 116 656 

D. B. Murti 



1. Battili 
2. Gajapatinagaram 
3. Kasipatnam 
4. Chilakagadda 
5. Madhyakadama 
6, Boyipalem 

T A 

7. Madhuravada 
8. Marikavalasa 
9. Zoo area 
10 Lankalapalem 
11. Lingavaram 
12. Appannapalem 

B L E 2 

List of artefacts from the Lower Godavari valley 


1 2 






8 9 

10 11 12 

Retouched blades 

13 20 






15 6 

511 8 

Backed blades 

- 19 








Backed and 

11 27 






9 7 

4 8 



Blade blanks 

43 1 1 






108 39 

65 35 34 

Symmetric points 

3 1 






Asymmetric points 

' 2 




3 , 


Crescentic points 

5 11 







3 6 






1 , 







2 5 







3 6 








3 -14 











_.., ..,..., : . 

Flake blanks 

86 52 






244 325 

226 78 118 

Blade cores 

12 14 






34 16 

47 6 18 

Core Fragments 

28 1 1 






79 62 

28 22 78 


203 274 






534 456 

391 168 297 

1. Puchikapadu 



2. Lankapalfe 



3, Rasur 



4. Ramannagudim 



5. Kapavaram 




6. Manchulurigudenfi 




A.H.R.S. Vol. 38 Pt. IV 



Agrawal, D.P., R.V. Krishna Murti. Sheela Kusumagar and R.K. Pant 1978 

Indian Prehistory from the Mesolithic period to the Iron age J r of Hum F i ronol SV of 
London, Academic Press, a " tv jiution 7; 37-41. 

Allchln. Bridget, 1966. The Stone Tipped Arrow, Late Stone Age Hunters of th. T 
World, p. 113. New York: Barnes and Noble. ^ Tr P ' caI OId 

Cammiade, L.A. 1924. Pygmy implements from the Lower Godavari. Man in Indi V 

Joshi, R.V. 1968. Late Mesolithic Culture in Central India. La Prehistoire -Problems Et 
Tendances, Paris. 

Joshi, R.V. 1973. The Significance of Microlithic tools in Post Palaeolithic industries in India 
Radio Carbon and Indian Archaeology, eds. D.P. Agrawal and A. Ghosh, T.I F.R, Bombay. 

Lai, B.B. 1958. Birbhanpur - a microlithic site in the Damodar valley. Ancient India No 14 
PP. 4-48. 

Murti, M.L.K. 1974. A Late Pleistocene cave site in Southern India. Proce. Am. Phil See 
Vol. 118, No. 2, pp. 196-230. 

Prasad, K.V.V.S.D. 1971. Archaeological sites in the Srikakulam district; Unpublished Disserta- 
tion - A.U. Libraries. 

Radhakrishna, U. 1972. Stone age sites in the Taluk of Gajapatinagaram. Unpublished Disserta- 
tion - A. U. Libraries. 

Reddi, K.T. and P. Vijaya Prakash 1978. Late Quaternary Cultural evidence from Visakha- 
patnam Coast (A. P.). V Annual Congress of ISPQS - Dharwar. 

Sastri, C.L.N. 1972. Stone age sites at Chilakagadda in Sringavarapukota taluk. Unpublished 
Dissertation - A U. Libraries. 

Thapar, B.K. 1962. Excavations at Kuchai, District Mayurbhanj. Indian Archaeology - A 
Review 1961-62, p. 36. 

Zarina. M. Cooper 1983. Adaptation patterns during the Late Stone age in Bastar District, 
Madhya Pradesh. Bull., Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association No. 4, Canberra. 

0. B. Murti 


B. S, L Hanumantha 

The Boyas are a hardy warlike aboriginal people of Andhra Pradesh. Being 
hunters, they live in the thickly forested mountainous tracts of Prakasam, Welfare and Chittore 
Districts. In the Anantapur District gezetteer they are noted as 'an old fighting Caste' 1 . They 
are known for their tenacity in hunting, never missing their mark. In some of the late medieval 
inscriptions the homeland of the Boyas was referred to as Boyav/haradesa*, BoyavMu 5 , and 
Boyavila*. The Boyavfharadesa of these inscriptions roughly corresponds to the eastern taluks of 
Neilore District viz., Kanigiri, Atmakur and Udayagiri. Infact, the activities of the Boyas 
extended far beyond the boundaries of the above region into the neighbouring districts and 
therefore the term Boyaviharadesa appears to indicate the original concentration of the Boyas. 

The word Nisada is taken to be the Sanskritic synonym of Boya and interestingly some 
of tha Boya sects trace their descent from the mythical Nisada, son of Venaraja, depicted in the 
puranas as a wicked king. The Boyas hold that they are the legitimate children of Nisada where 
as the Kuravas, Yanadis and Cencus are his illegitimate children 5 . However, Nisada appears to 
be a generic term used to describe all the aboriginal tribes 6 , and particularly as the synonym of 
K irate. 

Throughout history, the Boyas have retained their ferocious nature and predatory habits. 
The medieval Telugu poets .like Peddana used the term Boya in the sense of cruel or mericiless'. 
Another poet Cintalapati Yarranaraya in his Tarakabhyudayam describes a Boyavldu on the 

1. Thurston, Castes and Tribes of South India (197*) pp. 187-88. 

2. Nelloie Dt. Inscriptions I, Atmakur 32 dated A,D. 1409 

3. Ibid., Kandukur 10, dated A.D. 1415-16. 

4. Ibid., Atmakur, 37 undated. 

5. Thurston, Op. cit. 

6. The Puranic literature included the Pulindas, Sabaras and other under the Nisadas. 
"From Tribe to Untouchable - The case of Nisadas", Indi m Society Historical probing, 
Memorial volume) pp. 67 ff. 

7. Manucharitra, IV, verse 87 


outskirts of a forest and that the Boyas indulged in highway robbery, in the section on Rajaniti 
in his Amuktamalyadd; the Vijayanagara emperor Sri Krishnadevaraya advocates a polity of 
cautious appeasement towards the hiiS and forest tribes which included the Boyas 8 . According 
to Rayavachakam, the army of Krishnadevaraya consisted of Boya Lords from eighteen Kampanas*. 
In the course of his eastern campaign, Krishnadevaraya had let loose on the districts of Vinukonda, 
Bellamkonda and Kondavidu the Boyas and the other tribesmen 10 who looted and struck panic in 
the civifan population with the result that the forts capitulated easily. Later in the modern period, 
Hyder Ali and Tipu Sultan employed the Boyas in their wars against the trouble-some palegars 
and against the British and recognising their excellent marksmanship placed them incharge of 
matchlocks 11 . 

The Boyas are not a homogenous tribe. They are divided into several groups which are 
mainly occupational. Among the Boyas there are two main divisions ; Uruboyas (village Boyas) 
and Myasaboyas (grassland Boyas) and each of the above categories is sub-divided into a 
number of exogamous groups such as Yenumu/avaru (buffalomen) Manda/avaru (herdsmen), 
Pufavaru (flowermen), M/na/avaru (fishermen) and the like. Such a division among the Boyas 
does not appear to have been of recent origin but has been coming down from early times. It is 
in the early Eastern Calukyan records of late 7th century A, D , that we have the earliest 
inscriptional evidence about the Boyas and their names suggest that even during that distant past, 
the Boyas were divided into occupational groups. The Reyur grant 115 of Vishnuvardhana II 
(A. D. 673-'81) introduces names such as Manda Sarma, Kappa Sarma of the house of Alaboya, 
Koilboya, Manduboya and Pululurboya. Pularf means grass in Telugu and Pululurboya might 
have belonged to the Mysaboya sect. Manda Sarma might be of Mandalavaru (herdsmen). 
Manduboya means medicine man, whereas Kofi boya (templeman) was a priest. The Koneki 
plates 14 of the same king give the name Pati sarma. As pat/ in Telugu means flowerbed (Pati- 
fertile, mannu-soil), Patisarma may be taken to have belonged to the Pulavaru Boya section, 

It is further observed that Boyas do not engage Brahmins in their religious activities as they 
had their own priests 15 , The Reyur record noted above mentions Koilboyas. Koil means temple 
and the Koi/boyas* may signify the existence of priestly class among the Boyas as early as the 7th 

' ,8. Canto, V, Verses 204 & 223 
9, Andhra Sahitya Parishat Publications, p, 13. ' 

10. 0. Ramachandraiah, Further studies on Sri Krishnadevaraya, p. 114 note 3-lr 

11. . Thurston, op. cit. 

12. .Ibid., p, 184 

13. Indian Antiquary VII, pp. 185 ff, 

14. Epigrapbia Indica XI, pp. 74 ff. 

15. Thurston, op. cit. 

''.. # 

A.H.R.S. Vol. 38 Pt. IV 


century A.D., In the above record we further come across two Koiiboyas, one of Bharadvaja 
gotra and the other of Gautama gotra and thus the record suggests that there were different family 
groups in each of the Boya castes 

Incidentally it may be roted that the Boyas appear to have been Saivite by faith. Siva is 
known as the god of N/sadas. 1 * Curiously, the human form on the famous Gudimallam L/nga, 
probably the earliest in South India assigned to 200 B.C 17 unmistakably betrays the physical 
features of N/sada. 1 * In this Kalahastimahatyam, Dhurjati, a Telugu poet of the 16th century 
describes Kannappa who worshipped Siva with his own eyes, as the son of a Boya chief. 

In his short note on the Boyas, Dr. N, Venkataramanayya remarks "minor communities like 
the Boyas are occasionally mentioned in the inscriptions but (they) were far down in the scale of 
civilization and the part played by them is indeed very insignificant". 20 R N. Nandi on the other 
hand, holds the view, on the basis of the Eastern Calukyan records that the Boya tribe was 
transformed into the caste of Boya Brahmins and for considerable time retained their identity In 
the same way as the Goragas or Saivite Brahmins 21 But a careful examination of the available 
epigraphies! evidence reveals that the Boyas played an interesting role in the political and social 
history of Medieval Andhra. It was a story of several sections of the Boyas giving up their 
aboriginal habits and entering into the fold of the neighbouring Brahminical social order, gradually 
rising in the scale of civilization and social ranking and getting absorbed not only into the priestly 
class but into the ruling class and the trading and agricultural classes as well, ultimately losing their 
tribal identity. 

But about the 7th century A D., the Boyas appear to have reaped the fruits of acculturation 
resulting from their nearness to and contracts with the neighbouring civilised societies in Andhra, 
Karnataka and Tamilnad. The Eastern Calukyan records of the 7th century A.D. suggest that the 
Boya priests emulated their counterparts in the Brahminical society in mastering Medic learning and 
performing Ved/c rituals. Most of them added the suffix Sarma to their names which may be taken 
to mean 'Vedic Scholar'. The Kondanagur plates 23 of Indravarma (A.D, 673} refers to Somayajula 

16. Bhandarfear, Vaisnavism and other minor Systems, 

17. C. Sivaramamurthy, Indian Sculpture, p. 47 Fig. 6 

18. S. Chattopadhyaya, The Evolution of Theistic Sects in India, 

19. Canto 3. But the poet uses Bhilla, Pulinda, Kirata and Boya as synonymus. 

20. The Eastern Calukyas of Vengi, p. 128. 

21. The Boyas- Transformation of a tribe into caste, Proceedings of th Indian History Congw, 
39th Session (1968) pp. 94-102. 

22. E,M. XVIII, pp. 1-5 

B.S.L Hanumantha Rao 


Vellakki Bol where as the Bezawada plates 23 of Calukya Bhima I (A.D. 891-922) describe 
Revamaiah alias Ummarakanthibol as a master of Vedas and Vedangas (Vedavedanga paragaya). 
The donees of the Chandalur grant 24 of Mangiyuvaraja (A.D. 681 -705) were students of vedas 
and performers of the six karmas and the five yafnas. 

In his Dasakumaracaritra, the great Sanskrit writer Dandin, who is said to have lived at the 
Pallava court about the middle of the 7th Century A. 0., wails over the miserable plight of the 
Brahmins who lived in forests among the k/'ratas, eating their food and obeying their orders, 25 
Ketana of the 13th century who translated Dasakumaracaritra into a Telugu poem actually says 
that the Brahmins became teachers of the Boyas. 2 ' 5 It is riot unreasonable to assume that Dandin 
described the conditions prevailing in the neighbourhood of the kingdom where he was living The 
Dasakumaracaritra may thus be taken to give us a clue to the mastery of the Boya priests over 
vedic lore and their skill in performing Vedic rituals. It may be remembered that the age of the 
Pallavas was a period of vigorous Brahmanisatior] in the South. The Pallavas themselves were of 
non-Brahminical origin and the consensus is that the Kadambas were an aboriginal tribe worship- 
ping the Kadamba tree as their totem. The origin of the Calukyas and Vishnukundins is in no 
way more flattering. But all these dynasties were stout champions of the vedic t//?ar/7?a-exhibiting 
the zeal of new converts like the Rajputs in medieval North India. 

The Koil Boya of the above record suggests that the Boyas had built temples of their own 
and engaged priests for conducting worship in them. It was the period when Brahmanism 
developed into theism of the puranic type with temple as the centre of religion and there was brisk 
temple building activity in the Palldva and Calukya kingdoms between which the Boyadesa was 
interposed. Again it was during this period devabhogas and brahmadeyas multiplied and the 
resultant compulsions of expanding agriculture rrade it almost imperative to admit the aboriginals 
like the Boyas into the fold of the peasant communities the Sudras of the Brahmanical system, 
Devotion or Bhakti which was the kernal of the theistic sects Saivism and Vaisnavism, which 
were gaming widespread popularity through the propaganda of the Nayanmars and the A/wars was 
the philosophy of the Sudras or lower castes and it provided for their active participation in the 
temple festivities-alround the year thereby working for their intellectual elevation and social 

Politically the Boyas, by this time organised themselves Into twelve Kottams. The word 
/fotta/77 is frequently met with in the Tamil inscriptions in the meaning of a sub-division of nadu. 

23. Ibid., V. pp. 127 ff. 

24. Ibid., VI11, pp. 236 ff. 

25. II Chapter, The study of Matanga as related to Rajahamsa, 

26. Ill Chapter 

A.H.R.S. Vol. 38 Pt;IV 


The word Kottam with a Song a means a fortress and each of the Kottams- 1 might have developed 
around a fortified town and under a chieftain. The Boya chieftains were known as Doras or 
Simhasana Boyas. 28 Of all the twelve forts, according to the Ad Janki record of Pandaranga/ 1 
the general of Gunaga Vijayaditya (A.D. 848-891), Kattem appears to be the strongest and the 
most important. !t is probable that the Boya kingdoms formed a loose confederacy under the 
leadership of the chief who held Kattem Kandukur was another stronghold of the Boyas. Both 
the Paliavas and the Vengi Calukyas coveted to occupy the Boyakottams, as a result of which 
they frequently changed hands, till about the middle of the 9th century, when Pandaranga 
destroyed the Boya strongholds and dispersed the Boyas. 

Almost from the time of the foundation of the Vengi kingdom, the Eastern Calukyas appear 
to have cast their greedy eyes on the Boyakottams. The very second king In the line, 
Jayasimhavallabha (A.D. 643-673) issued his Pedamaddali plates 30 from Udayapura, identified 
by scholars with Udayagiri in Neliore district 31 evidently in the Boyav/haradesa. Jayasimha took 
the proud title Vajayasiddh/ (scorer of victory) and his Polimburu plates 32 were issued from 
Vi/aya skandhavara (victorious war camp). But he was silent about the name of the king on 
whom he waged the war and scored the above victory. However it can be surmised that in tils 
effort to expand his kingdom southwards, Jayasimha came into conflict with the Boyas, defeated 
their chief, but was silent about his name as he was too insignificant for him to be mentioned. 
With this victory of Jayasimha, the Vengi kingdom extended south- wards beyonds Manner 33 right 
into the very heart of the Boyakottams. 

The records of the immediate successors of Jayasimha, Indravarma (A. D. 673), 
Visnuvardhana (AD. 673-81-) and Sarvabkasraya Mangi (A D. 673-705) suggest that they were 
left with the problems of consolidating the authority of Vengi in the newly conquered Boyakottams. 
Ever since the conquest of Vengi (A.D. 616), the Calukyas appear to have adopted the statesman 
like policy of winning the loyal support of loea! Brahmins by granting them Brahmade^s and 
'Agrahavs and through their good offices hoped to get the people of the region reconciled to the 
newly established Calukyan 'authority. The successors of Jayasimha appear to have carried this 
policy into the Boyakottams It is in their records that we come across Brahmin donees w. h 
thP,nffix'/)ova indravarma divided the village of Kondanagur into 64 shares and gave it to 
clS laZndlo" c, D ugg3 sa, m a .,,.. ,,ra, u , b oy, Th, c, , he ss,s o, *, . 
end in 'bo!' which is only the honorific plural of boya. Visnuvardhana II divided the village or 

27. Burton Stein, Peasant State and Society in Medieval South India, pp. 81-85 

28. Thurston, op. cit, 

29. Bharati, Vol. II, p. 484 

30. I A XIII, p. 137 

31. N. Venkataramanayah, op. cit. 

B,SJU Hanumantha Rao 


Reyur 34 between 74 boya Brahmins. The same king gifted Koneki to several Boya Brahmins, 
His successor, Mangi granted Chandalur 35 to 16 Boya Brahmins. 

The suffix boya to Brahmin names in these inscriptions has been interpreted differently by 

earlier scholars. E, Hultzsch who edited the Kondanagur and Chandalur records is in two minds 

about its meaning In the first place he assumes that it may be the designation of a village clerk. 

His view is based upon the word gamabhojaka which appears in the Hirahadagalli plates of Pallavas 

Vijayaskandavarman. 30 This word is explained by Monier Williams as a village priest. 37 and by 

others as a village proprietor. 38 It is likely that the Pallavas as the rulers of the Kanchi and 

Pallakkada (Pulicat) regions came into contact with the Boyas and realised the need of winning 

their loyalty and took them into service as village headmen However Hultzsch goes on to add 

that 'this possibility is excluded by the fact that in the Reyur grant two different persons, 

Vennisarma and Camundisarma are stated to have been Marataboyas. In fact according to these 

early Eastern Calukyan records the villages were divided between a number of Boyas. In the 

light of Bezawada plates of Cafukya Bhima (A.D. 892-922) which describes Revamaiah as 

Ummarakanthfbol, Hultzsch concludes that Boya means 'Vastavyaya' or 'resident'. B. V. Krishna 

Rae on the other hand held the view that Bhoja means 'enjoyer' of the village and Boya is its 

vernacular form, 40 

But the conclusions of Hultzsch and Krishanrao are contradicted by several cases in which 
Boya is suffixed to personal names as in the case of Kesavaboya which occurs three times in the 
Reyur record. Further a/a 'cow) dudi (cotton), mandu (medicine) and koil (temple) cannot be 
taken to be place names, and the meaning 'enjoyer' cannot be satisfactorily justified in these 
cases. J. F. Fleet who edited the Reyur grant seems to have rightly understood the implication of 
the term. He says 'Boya appears to be some surname or class name since it occurs in lines 32, 47 
and 50 affixed to the proper name, probably all names to which it is affixed are proper names -some 
of them taken from the names of the villages'. 41 

34. Op. cit; 

35. EL, 'I, pp. 1-10 

36. Sanskrit -English Dictionary, p. 768. 

37. M. Rama Rao, Studies in Early History of Andhradesa, p. 157. 

38. LA., VII, pp. 186 If.- 

39. . EJ.VIli; pp, 236 fL 

40, The Eastern Calukyas, p. 107, note i 

41. Op. clt/ 

A.HR.S, Vol. 38 Pt. IV 


There are several points of interest to be noted about these grants and the donees that 
received the grants, 

1) These grants were made mostly on the recommendations of the military officers of the 
Calukyas who were probably entrusted with the governance of the Boyakottams. The 
Kondanagur grant was made on the recommendation of Kondivarma of the Ayyahu family where 
as Anaghavarma of the Ayyana family, who had obtained victories in many battles, was 
responsible for the Chandalur grant. 

2) The villages that were granted or in which these Brahmin donees were settled are 
situated in Karmarastra within the Calukyan kingdom, but not far off from the Boya Kottams. 

3) The names of most of the Brahmin donees are non Sanskritic as Badi, Pala, Jetti, 
Eddonde, Gabota etc., (Reyur grant). In several cases as in the Chandalur plates the donees 
are not mentioned by their personal names. 

4) Village names with the suffix boya are used as the aliasses. In the Koneki grant four 
beneficiaries are referred to merely by th^ir proper names suffixed by Boya and seven are referred 
to merely as the boyas of different villages. But in the case of one of these four, the original 
village name is also mentioned. Madisarma alias Patiboya is also characterised as Kummunurboya. 
Kummanur is identified with Konur in the Settenapalli Taluq , Guntur District (Karmarastra), 

5) Among these Boya Brahmins the most popular gotras are Kaundinya, Bharadvaja, 
Kasyapa and Parasara. But it is strange thnt gotras are not recorded in many cases. Out of the 
74 Brahmins in the Reyur grant 24 are without gotras. Five of the donees of the Chandalur 
record belong to the Kaundinya gotra and the sixth one belongs to Kalabava gotra. The word 
Kalabava does not sound like the name of a ft/shf though the Kalabavas are classed as a 
subdivision of Visvamitra. 42 R, N. Nandi points out that Kafava in Kannada and -Kafavu in 
Malayalam means a spinous shrub bearing edible black berries. Kalabava might probably be 
identical with Carissa Caranc/a and it was the totem or atleast the symbl of a section of the 
Boyas. 43 The Kalabava gotra thus contains a clue to the aboriginal origin of the Brahmin family. 

42. Bough Johnson, Early Brahmanical System of Gotra and Pravara, p, 149, 

43. N.R. Nandi, op. cit. 

p.S.L, Hanumantha Rao 



The foregoing account reveals that the donees in the above grants with 'boya' suffix or alias 
were in fairly advanced stage of Brahmanisation. Consistent with the Eastern Calukyan policy, 
the officers in charge of the administration of the Boya Kottams encouraged the Boya Brahmins 
with land grants to settle down in different villages of Karmarastra almost adjacent to the Boya- 
vihara-desa, as "a second line of defence 44 " to the Eastern Calukyan authority. As we do not 
come across Boya Brahmins in the subsequent records of the dynasty the only exception being 
that of the Bezwada grant of Calukya Bhima it may reasonably be assumed that they gradually 
lost their tribal identity and merged with the traditional Brahmin families of the region, gaining 
thereby equality with them in ritual purity. The village names which they had earlier used as 
aliassess were retained or changed into their surnames. It may be noted that most of tha present 
day Brahmin families of Andhra have village names as surnames. 45 

The policy of the Vengi officers towards the Boyas was successful and the Boya Kottams 
remained peaceful under the Calukyan rule for the next hundred years. Udayendiram plates" 
of Nandivarman, Pallavamalla (A.D. 730-790) speak about Prithvi Vyaghra, a Nisada chief towards 
the north of the Pallava kingdom. Evidently he was a Boya chief and his name is a clear proof of 
his loyal subordination to the Calukyas and of the increased fascination of the Boyas for Sanskrit 
names. The same record states that Pallavamalla followed an agressive policy towards the Boya 
Kottams and his general Udayachandra is credited with a victory in the battle of Nellore . probably 
against the -combined forces of the Boyas and the Vengi Calukyas. Pallavamalla is said to have 
defeated Pnthvi Vyaghra, occupied the kingdom of Visnuraja, evidently Visnuvardhana, a Vengi 
Calukyan long (Kal, Vishnuvardhana A.D. 847)? and collected jewels and other valuables 
N-ravadya probably a Badami Calukyan prince . The Vengi Ca.ukyas iost to the 
portion of the, .ngdom and their control over the Boya Kottams. The successors of Pa 
Dantryarman and his son Nandivarman were powerful ru.ers credited with resounding S V 

~ to ' - "v. 

44. Ibid. 

Karimnagar District pp. 64 ff ? ChS M nis? rof 
hailed frooi a village 

-ord VELLAKKII. understood as 
^"P"* of Andhra Pradesh, 
(A D. 1158-95)' says that he 

46. S.J.I., II. p. 368. 

4.7. . Classical Age, p, 262. 

48 4 ibid.; 

49. N. Venkataramanaiah, op. cit, pp. 96-97. 

50. .Classical Ag. p 263 

A,H,R,S. Vol. 38 Pt,lY 


The Dharmavaram epigraph 51 of Calukya Bhima states that Vijayaditya fought with ihe 
opposing Boyas and drove them into forests (Ramavibhunitoda nedirana boyala nadavf sonipe). 
The Addanki record 52 of Pandaranga, the redoubtable- general of Gunaga, states that the 
engagement with the Boyas took place soon after the coronation of the king (Pattambu gatt/na 
prathamambu nandu). It is probable that instigated by their Pallava overlords, the Boyas attacked 
the Vengi kingdom and exasperated by their hostile .activities, Gunaga was determined to take 
permanently effective steps against the Boya menace. Pandaranga whom Gunanga had despatched, 
demolished the (Kattepu durgambu kadu bayalsesf,) burned Nellore and occupied Kandukur. The 
Attifi grant 53 of Calukya Bhima credits Gunaga with the burning of Nellore- which was of course an 
achievement of his general. Pandaranga made Kandnkuru an impregnable military outpost of the 
Vengi Calukyas, as strong as Bezawada. 54 

The military exploits of Pandaranga not only shattered the base of the political power of the 
Boyas but also disturbed th-e tribal concentration in the Kottams as the Boyas are found in the 
post- Gunaga era, scattered across and settling down in the fertile coastal plains of Andhre. This 
may be the implication of the statement that Gunaga drove the Boyas into wilderness (adavison/pe) 
One of the Macerla inscriptions 55 dated A. D. 1 1 1 1 mentions Kambhampadu alias Boyumbrolu, 
the town of the Boyas. They even crossed the river Krishna and migrated into the Telingana 
region. One of the Palem inscriptions notes the Boyas operating hydraulic machines (ratnamu). 56 
for irrigating agricultural lands. Following different occupations, the Boyas gradually entered the 
main stream of the socio-poHtico-economic life of the lands. Their settlement in new lands also 
appears to have helped them in rising quickly even in social status. 57 

51. Bharaii, V. p. 2 p. 619. 

52. Ibid., p. 484 

53. Journal of Telugu Academy, XI, p. 241. 

54. Addanki Record, op. cit 

55. S. I. I., X No. 66. 

56. B.N, Sastry, Inscriptions of Kandur Codas pp. 24-25. 

Another inscription from Ollala mentioned a Boya who was given charge of cattle gift to a local 
temple, p. 1 19. 

57. Romila Thaper observes that in Hundu society upward mobility was no doubt difficult and not 
oppen to individuals. But in could be rendered possible via the group through a period of time 
and was further facilitated by a change in habitation or geographical location, 

Ancient Indian Social HistorySome Interpretations (New Delhi, 1978) pp. 125-126, 
B.S.L, Hanumantha Rap 


From about the middle of the 1 1th century the Boyas appear from Srikakulam, 58 the northern 
mmt Hindu pilgrim centre in Andhra, in charge of the cattle gifts made to temples. 59 In several 
in<criptions we come across Golla Boyas fio who were probably the precursors of the present-day 
G0!Ia caste." For maintaining these cattle gifts, the Boyas received land grants and house sites 62 

Indicate that they were new to those regions and the anxiety of the local people to utilise 
their services as cowheards and peasants. The Boyas were recruited even into the staff of temple 
cervant& w and the Boya girls were admitted into the the Sani Munnuvuru, An inscription from 
Nandencla dated AD. 11 39 mentions the grand-daughter of Peddana boya as the Sa/7/of the 
temple of Mulasthaneswara. 84 The Boya temple servants like those in charge of temple gifts 
land grants in lieu of monthly salaries. 65 The Boyas thus entered the agricultural class of 

the fertile plains 

Even trade was not closed for the Boyas. An inscription from Sattenapalli dated A.D. 1 1 33 
registers the gift of sheep made by Provinayaka kept incharge of Gadeboya son of PerisettL 66 
Savasandi Balla is mentioned in an inscription of Visakhapattanam as the son of vyapari 
Boyaraja and the former gives instructions to Samaya Cakravart/or leader of the local merchant 
guild, regarding the land gift he had made. An inscription from Tripurantakam mentions, besides 
others, the Boyas as members of the Nanedesi Pekkamdru, an itinerent merchant organisation. 68 

Having thus become a part of the promising professions of agriculture and trade and having 
through them built up a fortune, it was natural that the Boyas aspired for corresponding social 
status and respectability. From about the 12th century we frequently come across inscriptions 

58. S.Ll No,. 1338, 

59. S1.I/1V, 735, 765, 766, 780, 781A; V. 156, 172, 188; VI, 96, 905, 910, 921 etc. 

60. SJ i., V. 167/1228; VI, 913. 914 etc. 

61. Thurstonhas observed that the Gollas are a pastoral class of Telugu people whose hereditary 
occupation is fending sheep and cattle and selling milk. Their social status is fairly high and are 
albueJ to mix freely with Kapus, Kanrimas and Balijas. op. cit. pp. 284-286. 

2. 5 1 1.. !, 663; 667, 675, 677 etc. 

Ibid. 107, 60 

Ibid., X. 338; IV. 1248.'' 

Ibid./ 156 
66. IbidUX, 94 . .' 
67 Ibid,, 21. . . 

. 473,; ;-.. . '' , ; . . -.' -: . ' ; 

A.H.R.S. vol. 3$.-p.t. iv 


recording gifts of cattle, money and land made by Boyas to temples and priests 09 . It is again 
about this time we find Boyas, taking Sanskrit names such as Bhima Boya 70 Candana Boya 71 , 
Surya Boya 72 , Trikoti Boya 7a and give up their tribal suffix in preference to honorifics like Nayaka, 
Reddi, Nayudu, Nadu and Raju. An inscription from Nadendla mentions Kundana and Kamens, 
brother and son-in-law respectively of Proleboya 71 . Codaya son of Kesavaboya is mentioned in 
an inscription from Srikakulam 75 . Candananayaka son of Numkanaboya makes a gift to 
Bhimeswara of Daksarama 76 . Another inscription from the same place records a gift made by 
Malleboyuni DarapareoW 7 . Pinnamarri naidu son of Proleboya makes gifts to Tripurantakadeva 78 . 

The following genealogical table of the Kompula (Koppula) family obtained from an 
inscription In the Mallesvara temple at Bezwada dated A, D. 1264 shows the honorific suffixes, 
reddf. naidu, naik being used by different persons of the same boya family 79 , 


Nareboya, m. Kommasani 


Prolinayaka Nagana Erapotinayaka Marenedu 

According to tha record, Naganaboya presented a crown to Mallesvara, erected a brass pillar 
weighing 1 100 pa. and gifted some land to the temple. An inscription from Palakollu (East 
Godavari) mentions Naganaboya, son of Chimgaraju gifting gadyanas to the temple of. 

69. Ibid IV 720; VI 94, V. 156 etc. The Manu Dharma Sastra states that the property 
of a Sudra could' be' seized. But a Brahmin could not ask a Sudra for money for 
performing his religious rites. If he does so, the Brahmin would be born in the next birth as a 
Candala. By implication, the Dharma Sastra denied the Sudra the eligibility of making gifts, 
Buhler, Laws of Manu (SEE), Penances, Gifts and Sacrifices no. 24, p. 435, 

70. SII, IV. 1143 

71. Ibid , M, 678 

72. Ibid., V. 188 

73. Ibid., X, 33 

74. Ibid,, IV. 675 

75. Ibid , 991 

76. Ibid , 1367 

77. Ibid., 1259 

78. Ibid,, X, 318 

79. Ibid., IV, 765 

p.S.L, Hanumantha 


Ksbirarama and to the priest there in. 80 The process climaxed the claim of the Boyas to the 
fourth caste and even to divine origin. Malleboya of the .Suravaram record 81 and Enjiliboya of 
the Tripurantakam record 32 described themselves as to have belonged to the fourth caste, 
Malleboya was a benefactor of gods, Brahmins and sadhus whereas Enjiliboya was credited with 
capability to bear the entire burden of the earth (dharanibharana/kac/aksah).Jnkol\boyaoilhQ 
above mentioned Bezwada record which is undated, but said to be in the Calukyan characters, 
claims to have been a descendant of the Yaksa. who had guided Arjuna, the Pandava to the 
Indrafcila hill. He compares himself to Kama in strength, valour and generosity, to Matali in 
abiHty to accomplish any task and to Hanuman in loyalty to his master but who the master of 
Trikotiboya was is not known. 

The troubled condition of Vengi during the 10th and 1 1th centuries gave the Boyas an easy 


access to political power. The history of Vengi during the post-Gunaga era was characterised by 
frequent fratricidal wars and invasions from the neighbouring imperial powers. In their efforts to 
get control over the rich coastal plains and the fertile basins of Krishna and Godavari, the 
Rastfakutas frequently invaded Vengi, reducing her at times to vassalage. During the historic 
Cola-Calukya struggle for hagemony over Deccan, Andhradesa presented a miserable picture of a 
huge battle-field and the power of Vengi was much reduced, 83 The situation gave rise to a 
nj Tiber of local ruling families, such as the Durjayas of Velanadu, Kotas of Dharanikota, the Cagis 
of Gudimetta and the Haihayas of Konamandala. The mutually aggressive internal conflicts 
among these subordinate families and the frequent incursions of the neighbouring powers increased 
tti0 military requirements of Vsngi and her sub-ordinates which gave a rich opportunity to the 
talented Boyas. They entered the court and the army and soon by their ability and loyalty rose to 
positions of trust and authority. Having thus gained admission into the ruling elite, they, soon got 
integrated 'with it by matrimonial alliances. ' 

From about the beginning of the 12th century, the Boyas are found in high positions of 
responsibility in most of the kingdoms in the coastal Andhra. Naganaboya, son of Chimgaraju 
was in the service of Bhimavallabharaya, the Lord of Konamandala. 84 Boddeboya was in the 
service of Ctgi Potaraju, the ruler of Gudimetta. 85 Ketanaboya was the adapa or betel-nut pouch 
bsarer" of Kota Ganapaya. KunabDya was a general of Kota Beta. Ha fought a battle at 

80, Ibid., I/,, 186 

81, Ibid,, X, 318 

82, Ibid., 32? .. 

83, N. Venkataramanaiah, op, cit ' 

84, SII. V, 156 . , '. . . '. : 
Jb.d.. VI. 94 " ' . . 

S!l 29 ' '.. ' ' ' ' ' 

A.H.R.S. VOL ss Pt, iv 


Garlapadu, killed Bhimaraju and another archer and fell on the battlefield He was the son of 
Codeboya who was Bandaruvu or treasurer, probably of the same king. 87 

However it was at the court of the rulers of Velanadu that the Boyas distinguished them- 
selves as administrators and generals and rose to the highest positions including that of mahaman- 
dalesvaras and thus began to share the honours of the traditional ruling elite such as the Kotas and 
Haiahayas. Gundayaboya was a prominent mandalika (mandalika sekhara) under Velanati 
Gonkaraja and his son Eriya boya was a nrvlitary officer. Gundaya was described as Arjuna and 
Bhima on the battle-field 88 . The most prominent and powerful among the Boya officers of the 
time was Gundaboya. He was a general of rare distinction (Bhandana-bhima and Ahavarakkasa) 
and being the lord of 480 villags (catussatasitf gramavani vallabha) he became one of the 
mahamandalesvaras, early in the time of Gonka II 80 . 

There were several Boyas in the service of Kulottunga Rajendra Coda, occupying positions 
of authority. Codapanayaka son of Numkanaboya was his mulabhntya^ which might mean 
superintendent of his services. The position of sarvadhfkarf was held by Enjiliboya and after 
his death, his son Sri Boyacodi appears to have succeeded to the position, Enjiliboya described 
himself as to have belonged to the fourth caste 91 , that is the caste to which the Velanati rulers 
belonged and thus he claimed social equality with his overlords. 

Jiliaboya was another prominent general under Rajendracoda. It appears that he took a 
leading part in the famous battle of Koccherevulakota 82 between the forces of Velanadu and 
Karnataka (Kalacuris) and won a victory for his master. In recognition of the signal service 
rendered by the Boya general, Rajendra Coda conferred the rulership of Divisima, the region of 
Divi on Jilla's brother Naraya or Narayana 93 . Narayana built temples, laid gardens and developed 
DM into a strong and beautiful jaladurga and became the founder of the Ayya family of 
Kroyyur, which ruled the region as the subordinates of Velanadu. It was from his grandson, 

87. Ibid., X, 391 

88. Ibid., IV, 1108 

89. Ibid., X, 90 

90. Ibid., IV, 136 

91. Ibid., X, 327 

92. Ibid., 1179; Jiliaboya made a gift for tha merit of Rajendra Coda in th<2 yeer A.D. 1167 Ibid, 162. 

93. Ganapcswaram Inscription of Ganapatideva, E.I., III, Sloka, 15, pp. 15ff: The record says that 
Jilla destroyed the enemies of Codi who appreciating his ability and loyalty conferred the rulership 
of Divi on Jilla's brother Narayana. It is not difficu/t to identify Jilla with Jiliaboya and Codi with 
Rajendra Coda, 

B.S.L. Hanurnantha Rao 


Jayapanayaka, that Kakati Ganapatideva conquered Divi 94 (A. D. 1203). Ganapatideva followed 
a wise policy of consolidating his authority through matrimonial alliances and by allowing the 
conquered princes to continue as the masters of their respective regions, but as Kakatiya subordi- 
nates. Ganapatideva married Narama and Perama, sisters of Jayapa and took him into his 
service as Ga/asah/n/^. Ganapatideva entrusted the administration of Velanadu 96 , probably 
with the expectation that being a local potentate, the latter could easily consolidate the Kakatiya 
authority in the region, Besides being an able administrator and general, Jayapa was a Sanskrit 
scholar-poet of very high order who gave masterly exposition to Marga and Desi styles of 
dance in his NrittaratnavalP 1 . Jayapa's scholarship is a proof of the fact that the Bhakti 
movements opened the gates of Sanskrit learning before the non-Brahmin castes. Ganapatideva 
appears to has replaced Jayapa by another local Boya chieftain who is described in an inscription 
of Gudivada dated A, D, 1235 as the master (adhikarl) of Velanadu and Gudrahara 98 . 
Malleboya's son's Parisaboya" and Potanaboya 100 undertook many works of public utility in 
the region. 

The Koppulas were another Boya chieftain family who rose to political prominence during 
the Kakatiya period, probably under Prola and Rudra. There is a village by name Koppolu in 
Prakasam. District and the family might have hailed from that village. 101 From the Mallesvaraswamy 
temple inscription, noted above, wa learnt that Bezwada was the original base of their rise 102 But 
in the post Kakatiya period they appear as rulers at Pitthapuram, Kottam and other places in the 
Godavari Districts. 103 It is probable that during the Durjaya- Kakatiya conflict they had migrated 
to Pitthapuram along with their overlord, Prithvisvara. 104 The Koppulas like the Ayyas, shifted 
their loyalty to "the Kakatiyas, became powerful asv/rasamantas and held the title Pagameccu- 
ganda. lor> Kapayanayaka was the first of the Koppulas who held the office of Nayaka probably 
under Prataparudra. 106 His son and successor Prola cooperated with the Musunuru Prolayanayaka 
in the struggle for freedom from the Muslim rule. His successors ruled portions of East Godavari 

94. P.V. Parabrah-na Sastry, The Kakatiyas of Warangal, 

95. Sarma & Venkataramanaiah, Early History of (he Deccan (ed. G. Yazdani) p. 602. 

96. Cebrolu Inscription of Jayapa, E.I /f V, pp. 142-150 " 

97. Nrittaratnavali, published by Narendra Sahitya Mandali, Tanuku. 
98: SIL Y, 211 

99. Ibid.; 212'" 

100. Ibid., 213 

101. List of villages in the Madras Presidency, p.. 107 

102. See above note 75, 

103. M.S. Sarma, The History of Reddy Kingdoms, pp. 28-30. 

104. P.V. Parabrahma Sastry; Op. cit. 

105. Journal of Andhra Historical Reserch Society, I, P. 113 

106. Donepudi grant of Namayanayaka, E.I ., iv, pp, 356 ff. 

A.H.R.S, Vol.38 Pt.lV 


District for some time. 107 Some scholars appear to have confused the Koppulas even with the 
Reddis. 108 There are Koppula Velamas in the Visakhapatnam and Vijayanagaram Districts 109 but 
the relationship between this caste and the Koppufas cannot be clearly established. In his Rajaraja- 
bhisekam, Angara Lakshminarasimha Kavi who lived about A D 1500 used most of the titles of the 
contemporary Reddi and Velama kings - Pattu talata, Kefadiraya, Ra/adevemdfa, Rj/adhirajacandra, 
Gayagovala, and Jagadobbaganda - in describing his patron, a Koppula chief by name Vallabhu- 
pala no It is not possible to ascertain into which subsect of the fourth caste tha Koppjlas were 
merged ultimately. 


K. Sarojani Devi 

The cult of Vithoba or Vithala was an important aspect of the Bhakti movement which 
gained momentum in the Vijayanagara empire. The cult based on total devotion to Lord Visnu 
attained great popularity in Maharastra. The temple of Vithala is situated in Pandharpur 
and it became a great centre of pilgrimage. The earliest reference to the worship of Vithoba is 
found in the Nama devagathas belonging to the later half of the 13th century. 1 They relate how 
Pundarika's infinite devotion towards his old parents attracted Lord Krsna to Pandharpura. Lord 
Krsna who came with his flock and five hundred companions could not return to Dwaraka as he 
was made to stand on a brick by Pundarika who was immersed in serving his old parents. The 
varkarf saints, whose poems and devotional songs had an overwhelming influence on the people 
of Maharashtra, considered Vithoba as a form of Krsna and gave credence to the story of Lord 
Krsna taking His abode at Pandarpur on account of Pundarika. 2 

Pandurangamahatmyam, a classic of Telugu literature composed mainly to extol the 
greatness of Panduranga Vithala and Pandharpur presented the story of Pundarika as its main 
theme. According to this Lord Krsna having come to know the saintly nature and profound 
devotion to Visnu and the dedicated service of Pundarika to his parents went to Pandharpur to 
see him, leaving behind his cattle and companions in Dwaraka. He was tremendously 
impressed with Pundarika's dedicated service to his parents and the depth of his devotion, desired 
Pundarika to ask for a boon. There upon Pundarika realising that Lord Krsna was the only 
supreme God capable of redeeming him from all worldly entanglements requested to Him to take 
His abode at Pandharpur permanently. To fulfil his devotee's cherished desire, Lord Krsna assumed 
a benvolent form with eyas closed in peaceful repose which ,was at the same time capable of 
creating fear in the hearts of even his most defiant enemies. Accordingly, Lord Krsna took up his 
abode in Pandharpur as Panduranga Vithala. Pandharpur came to be known as Pundarika 
Kshetramu in honour of Pundarika. A person who made a pilgrimage to Pandharpur would 

1. Namdev the famous Marat ha Saint composed Abhangs in praise of Vithoba of Pandharpur 
(Citrasala ed); D.S. Sarma, Hinduism through the Ages, p. 52; NamadeVaca Gatha, No. 444. 

2. Mac Nicol, Indian theism, pp. 120, 126; Varkari Pantha ca Itihasa, pp. 1,2. 


attain sayujya or mukti in Visistadvaita terminology. 3 This echoes the importance given to 
pilgrimage by the varkari saints. The word varkari literally means one who journeys to 
Pandharpur. 4 The religious merit obtained by the devotee depended on the number of times he 
visited the sacred place. Pandharpur had great sanctity as it was a combination of dafvata, 
kshetra and t/rtha. 5 

To appeal to the minds of the masses the story of how a crow, a swan, a parrot, a snake, a 
bee and a cow attained salvation at this place was also brough out. 6 This story resembles that of 
Kalahasti Mahatmyam by Dhurjati in which the story of the attainment of mukt/by a spider, an 
elephant and a snake are illustrated. The story of Radha, the spouse of Lord Krsna was specially 
introduced to bring out the significance of Lord Krsna's incarnation as Panduranga Vithala. 7 
Pandharpur appears to have attained great fame even during the epic age. Dharmaraja made a 
pilgrimage to Pandharpur along with his brothers to seek salvation. Jhevarkarf saints though 
they considered Vithoba as a form of Krsna, they did not give any importance to the puranic 
legends connected with Lord Krsna. Similarly Pundarika's ideal of devotion was Bala Krsna as a 
child playing with pebbles which he carried in a bag. The varkaris believe that the purpose of the 
incarnations of God. is to fulfil the desires of his devotee finds tacit support in the description of 
Dasavataras in Pandurangamahatmyam. 8 

The varkari saints conceived Vithoba as \Para Brahman called by different names as Siva, 
Panduranga and Harihara. 9 Though they advocated the worship of Visnu in the form of Vithoba, 
believed that the different gods are but the different aspects or names of the Absolute one. The 
same sentiment is reflected in Pandurangamahatmyam wherein Lord Siva enlightened Narada on 
the greatness of Pandharpur. He is reported to have said to Narada that while Lord Krsna 

3. . . Opclt., Ch. II VV, 590 

4, The word Varkari is composed of the two words Vari' and 'kari' ; the root *var' means time - an 
expression for three times, four times and so on. So 'Vari' stands for the making of annual 
pilgrimage to Pandharpur. Kari means the one who does; varkari therefore means one who makes 
a pilgrimage to Pandharpur at tha fixed time. And this indeed is the first characteristic of the 
varkari, a regular pilgrim to Pandharpuri, 6.A. Deleury, The Cult of Vithoba, p. 2, 

5, Duivati means an abode of God" or a temple. Kshetra means a sacred place and Tirtha means a 
sacred river. Pandharpur was sanctified by the existence of the temple dedicated to Vithala, 
river Bfaima and the birth of Pundarika. Panduranga Mahatmyam, Ch. II. V. 166. Suryarayandhra 

... Nighantuvu, A. P. Sahitya Akademi Publication, 1979, Vol. 11, 535, Vol. Ill, p. 754, Vol. IV, 
p. 344* 

6, Ch. IV, VV, 131-141. 

V Ch. 111, VV. 179-204/ , . . ' 

a ch. ii v.v. 56-66; ' 

9. Fatquhar, J. M. Outlines of Religious Literature of India, p. 301. 

A.HJFLS. Vol. 38 Pt. IV 


commanded the central and focal point of Pandharpur, he occupied the Southern portion of the 
place. 10 This suggests that Lord Siva did not stand in a subordinate position to Lord Krsna. Lord 
Siva explaining the sanctity of Pandharpur pronounced that if a person happened to die in the left 
corner of the temple he would become an emperor and in case he breathed his last on the right, 
would attain salvation. In case the person died behind the temple he would be directly 
transported to heaven. Thus death in Pandharpur had its own material and spiritual merits. 11 
Another highly interesting aspect of the eclectic tendency of the poet which again illustrates the 
liberal religious outlook of the varkari saints was the comparison of Radha and Krsna with Parvati 
and Paramesvara 12 . In another place Lord Krsna received Radha as affectionately as Siva 
received Parvati. Siva even admitted that He formed part of Pandharpur. When Siva destroyed 
the three cities of Tripurasura, the sweat that accumulated on Siva's body due to fatigue flowed 
as the sacred river Bhima 13 . 

Thus the worship of Vithoba, an incarnation of Krsna or Visnu which attained great 
popularity among the classes and masses in Maharashtra, spread to Vijayanagara especially at a 
time when bhakti movement was making a great headway in Vijayanagara empire. The Talla- 
paka musician saints of Andhra and the Haridasas of Karnataka with their soul-stirring 
devotional songs or samkhtanas popularised bhakti or pure devotion to God M centering round 
Visnu. It is a well known fact that the Rayas of Vijayanagara the Saluvas, Tuluvas and 
Aravidu kings were adherents of Vaisnavism and promoted the cause of Vaisnavism. The 
prevalence of the cult is reflected in the occurence, in the inscriptions of the time, of the name of 
Vithafa in varied forms such as Vittheya Nayaka, Vittiyakkan, Vithane, Vithaparya, Vithaladeva, 
Vithala, Vithanna, Vithapa, Vithappa, Viththalarya, Vithalesvara, Vithalaraju, Vithalayyadeva- 
maharaju, Vithalapuram, Vithalarn, Prasanna Vithalapura, etc. The adoption of the name 
of Vithala as a personal and place name is indicative of the devotion of the people to this God 14 . 

The popularity of the cult of Vithoba in Vijayanagara empire is proved by the existence 
of temples dedicated to Vithala, sculptures of Vithala, inscriptions registering grants of land, 
cash payments and structural additions to the temples of Vithala. According to a record dated 
A, D. 1408 some citizens of Araga granted an agrahara village Nagasamudra to Brahmans in the 

10. Ch. Ill, V. 116. 

11. Ch. II, V. 236. 

12. Pandurangamahatmyamu, Introduction, p. 27. 

13. Ch. V. 132 

14. E.G., IV., Ch. 184, Yl. 194, Yl. 168; C C.. V, TN. 225; E C. VII; Ml. 139, Ng. 
E. C., HI. Hg. 89; E. C. VIII, Th. 221; S.I I Vol. XVI, Nos ? 167/297,109,;- 

K. Sarojani 


presence of the God Vithalesvara 15 . Acyutaraya granted a village to the Vithala temple at 
Hampiin 1531. 16 In A. D. 1536 Hiriya Tirumala Nayaka gave 200 varahas for daily offerings 
to the Vithala temple. 17 

Koneti Timmaraja made a gift of the toll revenue raised in Ravudur for offering to the God 
Vithaladeva 18 . According to another inscription dated A. D. 1554 the Vipravinodins of Kovil- 
kuntlamadea grant of their incomes from the mahajanas to god Panduranga Vithalesvara for 
corducfing the Sri Ramajayanti festival for the spiritual uplift of their community not only of 
Koviikumla but also of other places such as Vidyanagara, Bedadakota, Kataka Dravi^a eic 
The fact that the Vip.ravinodinL community made an offering of their income to God Pandurarga 
Vithalesvara and also invoked the blessings of the God not only for their kinsmen of the region 
but also to those of other regions proves in unmistakable terms, the wide popularity of the cult 19 
Yet another inscription dated A. D. 1516 registers the construction of a hundred-pillared mardapa 
to God V,fhala at Hampi by king Krsnadavaraya". Mahamandalesvara Chikkaraju bought two 
vteof.and endowed by Bukkaraju Peddinayaka from Chamnaya for 75 ^.tt^*/^ which 
he remrtted mto the treasury of God Laksminarayana Perumal in the temple of Vitha.esvara 
an endowment for daily worship of the God- This indicates that the delstha^c Vi al 

"^rSli IT eStab '; Shmen t " C ntained ""H" """ dedicated to other forms f 
Visnu like Laksminarayana etc., w,th regular treasuries attached to them. Similarly there was 
an agreement granted by Kurucheti Sri Rangaraju to a person for having bro oht unde 


15, Ibid. VIII, Th. 22. 

16- S.I.I. Vol. IX, Pt. 11, No. 534 

17. Ibid.. Mo. 574. 

18. Ibid., No. 616. 

19. S.U., Vol. XVI S No. 190 

20. Ibid., No. 56. 

21. Ibid., No, 141. 

22. Ibid., No. 251 

23. T.T.D.I.. VoI.V.N .-66- 

24. Ibid, No. U8, 

. Vol..'38 Pt, IV 


gifts were made in the presence of Vithalesvara to other temples. This suggests that it was 
considered meritorious to make a gift in the presence of God Vithala 20 , 

The innumerable stone sculptures of Vithala not only prove the popularity of the cult but 
also provide a fascinating study of their artistic excellence in terms of sculptural craftsmanship. 
An image of Vithala from Mulbagal protrays Bala Vithala with proportionate limbs, chubby face 
and four hands. He has simple ornamentation and headdress. He holds a sankha in the left 
hand and his right hand is held in the posture of varacfa. The other two hands rest on the hips 
(katyava Iamb ita), This icon which bears a close resemblance to the Pandharpur one represents the 
infant God of the varkarf poets. It is interesting to note in this connection that Lord Krsna 
revealed Himself to his devotee Pundarika \nkatyavafambita posture 27 Another icon belonging 
to the same period is found in the north cell of the Channakesava temple at Kadur. 28 Two 
hands are holding a kind of horizontal bag or bunch of flowers It has no prabhava//. It possesses 
an elaborate rnakuta and is clad in a heavy dhoti with a long tassel which hangs down between 
the two legs. The eyes are open unlike the Vithoba in Mulbagal temple. There is no conch or 
lotus in the hands. Another idol of Vithala found in the Mallikarjuna temple at Basral has a 
conical makuta and is clad in a heavy dhoti covering the legs upto the feet. The two hands are 
holding the collar which looks like small pots or bags, Vithoba as Balakrsna is stated to hold a 
beautiful bag containing round nuts used by. children as pebbles for playing. 29 Another image of 
Vithoba is found among the sculptures on the external wall of the fourth cell in the Pancalinga 
temple at Govindanahalli in Mysore. Its main features are as follows: 

^ The hands are holding two bags inclined side-ways. The makuta is conical and the long 
dhoti which covers the legs of the idol upto -the ankles is adorned with a succession of tufts 
hanging from the belt between the two legs. However the image of Vithoba found on the pillars 
in the Pattabhirama temple are represented as holding a water vessel or kamanda/a which is the 
oldest attribute of Avalokitesvara. 30 

A study of these sculptures reveals the following attributes: an elaborate makuta, or head 
dress, heavy dhoti, small pot or bag and katyavalamabita or the hands resting on the hips. 

25. MER, 1904, No. 8. 

26. S. I. I. Vol. XVI, Nos. 1 16, 61, 118, 147, 148, 149, 297. 

27; My. Arch. Rep.. 1945, pp. 36-37; Pandurangamahatmyam, Ch. 11, V, 51. 

28. My, Arch. Rep., 1944, p. 27, plate III. 

29. Ibid, 1934, p. 42; op. cit, Ch. II, V. 37. 

30. M De-Mellermann, Avolokitesvara p. 266 According to Buddhist iconography there are 108 forms 

. of Avalokitesvara hearing distinct featutes and names. ' He is famous as a Bochisatva in the 
Mahayana pantheon. B. Bhattacharya, the Indian Buddhist iconography, pp. 124-44. 

Sarojani Devj 


Thus the iconographic description of Vithoba suggest some interesting similarities with that of 
Avalokitesvara. The figures of Avalokitesvara from Mahrashtra, Deccan and Bagh 31 possess 
more or less the same attributes as that of Vithoba namely high head dress, kamandalu or water 
flask, an antelope skin over the left shoulder, stalk of a lotus etc. Though the katyavaiambita 
posture is not common to all the sculptures of Avalokitesvara, yet one interesting sculpture from 
Bagh, 32 bears a striking similarity, to a typical katyavalambfta posture, in addition to the above 
mentioned attributes common to Vithoba and Avalokitesvara sculptures. It is interesting to note 
that the original [mage of Vithala is stated to have been made of wood. Ramakrsna Ksvi described 
Vithala as koyya Vithala, that is an image made of wood 33 . 

A comparison of the sculptures suggest that Vithala was probably a modified form of 
Avalokitesvara adopted by the local people of Maharashtra in the Pandhapur region as a popular 
form of worship. Buddhism was a vital faith in Maharashtra and lingering traces of Buddhism are 
available as late as the 12th century A.D. in the same region, 34 It was believed that Avalokitesvara 
particularly was capable of delivering his votaries from eight great perils namely shipwreck, 
conflagration, wild elephant, lion, serpent, robber, captivity and demon. 35 In view of this it is 
pertinent to assume that the votaries of Vithala borrowed and adopted certain features of 
Avalokitesvara to avoid offending the local sentiments. Some temples in Maharashtra were 
known to have been converted into Hindu temples and these may include Buddhist caftyas in the 
early mediaeval period. Probably in view of this Hopkins stated that "Vithala Panduranga is the 
Buddha". 38 

One of the prominet har/dasas, Purandaradasa was a great devotee of Vithala. He appealed 
to God Vithala for mercy in the following words; "Having assumed the title of protector of 
devotees/should you not be at hand to them? You, who liberates man, my God Purandara Vithala, 
I have trusted in you, a competent saviour". 37 In another place he said: "If the thief sees a purse in 
the mirror and makes a hole in the mirror to get it, will it become his? I have placed my-trust in 
you, Oh Purandhara Vithala save me" 38 Purandharadasa established the superiority Purandhara 
Vithala when he stresed that 'There is only one who is great- Our Purandhara Vithala" 39 The 

31 Douglas Baret, A guide to the Buddhist caves of Aurangabad, pp. 7-8, 12, 17; James Burgess, 
The Cave temples of India, p. 387. 

32. Sir John, Marshall, The Bagh caves in the Gawalior State, Plate. VIII, C. P. 33-35, 

33. Pandurangamahatmyamu, Ch. V. 134 

34* Debala Mltra, Buddhist: Monuments, pp. 12,47. 

35, Ibid., p, 165; P. V. Bapat, 2500 years of Buddhism, pp. 143 179. 

36, Religions of India, p. p. 500. 

37, Levoiional Poets and Mystics, Part II, Publications Division P. 41. 

38, Ibid., p. ...41. 

39, Ibid., pp. 43, 44. 

A,H,R,S. VoL 38 Pt. IV 


great Tallapaka poets sang the praise of Panduranga Vithala. According to them though 
Vithala was small in stature he mastered all branches of knowledge. Panduranga, according to 
Annamacharya was so great that 770 persons sang in praise of him. 40 


In this paper attention has been focused on the Vithala or Vithoba cult and its key role in 
the spread of Bhakti movement of the Vaisnava school of religion in Vijayanagara empire. 
As Vaisnavism has already taken deep roots in Vijayanagara as a result of the patronage of the 
rulers and the ruled, Vithoba worship became Smmense3Sy popular both among the elite and the 
masses. This coupled with the devotional hymns of the saints of Maharastra and Vijayanagara 
had tremendous emotional impact on the people which accounted to a great extent for its rapid 
spread and popularity. This is borne out by abundant iconographical, epigraphical and literary 
evidence of the period under review. 

A comparative study of the icons of Vithoba and Avalokitesvara suggests that the followers 
of Vithoba might have borrowed and adopted certain iconographic features of Avalokitesvara, a 
popular Bodhisatva. It is possible that the votaries of Vithoba did this in order to respect the 
feelings of a section of the people who still owed allegiance to the Bodhisatva. Buddhism 
survived upto 12th century in Maharastra, However particular attention must be paid to the 
finding of a symmetrical and reciprocal relationship between the Avalokitesvara cult and the 
Vithoba cult. 

|" S> as " a ' 


* L so-brf s 

SO V. A. Smith 

"The Kalachuri of Haihaya Rajas of Cheddi are last mentioned in an inscription of 
the year 1181 A. D- and the manner of their disappearence is not exactly known, but there 
is reason to believe that they were supplanted by the Bhugals of Rewa " 


in S'u estf^o-B 






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/f 250:0*3 otfo*tf sSdoea^ cpa3^^/f iSii^n 1200 &o& iSuYii 1403 

co o co o L. - L. 

co iu n U9J ^od 1294 


11^11 1100 ?io^ 1481 

1073 &oS 1364 




. i \\ 625 




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A.H.R.S. Vol. 38 Pt. IV 


e) LJ LJ J r> 


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995 (|)S|? 

o 982 ( ^Su r 1060-61) 
u tfu !C60-81sS KSosS^sSai'ST 8 3oA fe 


1. The History of Andhra country between 1000 A. D-i^OO A. D. es& 
(|) V. d&^cy^D 060. 5>. f dSo. 06". n& "from the inscription it is evident that Kirti Raja owed 
allegiance to the Chola throne, for Yishnuvardhana undoubtedly refers to Kulottunga Ii mentioned 
by his Eastern Chalukya name and epithets; and 18th year must be taken to be an error for the 
3rd year which corresponds to A. D. 1078" eSisp&^tfx &e 

18 > jS^sSx)^ SsSaAdSaoeir? c^ Srv 
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<1) ^do^ ijfitftfasSbo, S^, 3 

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... L Inscrption Vol. X ^ 3oi. 422 
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. 5 

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yf6lSsS3ci, So. 491 

South Indian Inscriptions Vol. X So. 413 
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So. 489 sf. 1222=1300 
tf. 1303 esdSaScSD (|)SS>Si)fl&) 






129 1 


S.L Inscriptions Vol. X So. 461 

?f.S". 1202 



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^ 5*^0) s. .So. sp^Sb [_sSo>sSCo|^S)a asStSsbo [I. S'. 1264 

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. ^/. 1261 Bo&5 fisSgcrssg S5tf^ CP83||^6'o^^co |J. tf. 1269 

2 3o& sKpfib^ yrSSsS ?fi3 ^cn^.*So. 1180 = iS. f. 1153 

A.HRS Vol. 38 pt, IV 




es|) a^ocs-S^^^ ^oS^S. ^es^S o*fs 

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*.' 1291 







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o. ii. tf. 1292-98 




S.I. Inscriptions Vol. X ?6o. 479 

' w^ctia 

.r. 1292.9S 


in ^u 1295 

. 8-S&6 

f. ?S. 1 216 1294 

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A.H.R.S. Vol. 38 Pt. IV 


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866 iiSrfs'&, 933 - 

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! 63 

'. 1340 

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A.H.R.S Vol. 8'S.JPt, IV* 


South Indian Inscriptions Vol. 6, &o. 122, 

1188 = J.^. 1266 

2) l i ^o x ^ ^?6^SSD 8) 
^0c eaeagSSxJSSb ?r?6^& D*&& Sfti^efo. es ^?6?6^ S.I. Inscrip 

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fls's-oSSa SiSj-a ^tfr6o&9&D dSSw 1-279-80 dfi'^^-^tf Soj/S>89SS* i^, 1250 




jy . 





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South Indian Inscriptions Vol. X Son 3*8 epj&rf p<SSsS. SPO^D . r. Il77=[l,r. 1265 



' sSiJsSSSsStf&Qc6& 

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. 1177= il. 1285 

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. ^ iQ99 




. 1181 ='[i. y. 12E9 

A.H.R.S Vol. 88 Pt. IV 


.. 147 so&) ". 1222 = 1 1. <T. 1300 


rfo. 90 w&s f. 1099 = .1 177 
!6o. 91 tf. 1098 - 1176 

. 93 tf. 1146 = 1222 

S. I. Inscriptions Vol. X So. 481 ^esoSb SVSPSP - l &4ft *J5*Sn -TO& 1219 = 
1297. ' f^a 55 



II ^tooa^a S.CS 


L v 


A.H.R.S. Vol. B8 ft. 


SJ. Inscriptions VoL 5^ cSon 125 s-*&6& &O&D$. 1218=[6.?T. 1294. 

. 1300. 

124 s^ ^. 1388IY. 1806 


S.I. Inscriptions .Vol. X o,281 r^8b> *. 1196r L l.r. 1284 






A.H.R.S. Vol. 3S Pi. IV 


S.L Inscriptions Vol. X So. 254 8%TG&g sp?S&Sa EPO&D *.. ll3l = .?f. 1>09. 


"^^ . 



5QC ^" 

' -S-I- Inscriptions 

Vol. X ?5o. 829 v?66sS3D. fian-ofi r.g'. ll?2=ljf. 1260 ' 



s^&dfi .^eao 



eo co 



A.H.R.S. Vol. 38 Pt. IV 


s. oirs. i 2-8 




s^fedfi Sbep^&o^d^ 1-6-36 

?^ 1-6- 33 

3 6' (?) 

i -fD r' spc; 3-7 


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A.H.R.S. Vol. 38 pt. VI: